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* 7 P E A C E O JF 17 T It JE C H T. " (...
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v ffp .'" 'iff ' lEHE WAR. (To ihe Edito...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Italy For The Italians. (To The Editor O...
& iiturie ^ t ** i & iiy encoi £ a ^ d ; ^ nu ^ il _^ tfu ^ t , feti ^ iSTOHi ^ 'eSntfeni ^ r & rimmation , 1 ^ sSoTtiiimong * the >^ arioas ;« tatea . i 3 * e Jmowioa well that ihe ^ any , i ^ te ^ Jts . pece 8 . M )^ y , ^ c ^ d , the many plssiaon ^ inevitably raisejU 4 % ^ witical mtolerancetiXmftt ie , ; land-the various aiscoildanfr elements ^ put in motion by a revolution , cause disunion « t ; the ^ very time when the -gxfeatest wisdom * the greatesfcstrength , and the greatest unanimity is required * I do not feel disposed to flatter my countrymen , for I feel they need * more substantial ^ iet * but 1 wiliaiotaccuse them of uhaving ^ caused a failure of which they are TonhrpartiallyfresponsiWe ,: It is af
great a fault in thepeople of Italy to have returned Jto a woreeudespotism ; , as it is a merit in the Piedmontese to have secure * a libefty for ^ which they had * rot fought , i There is in Piedmont material for a hundred reactionary movements if the Government chose to use them . What could the Piedmontese have effected if the constitution had been revoked as it was at Naples , Rome , and Florence ? They , like the rest of Italyj could only complain , hope , and wait .- Thepeople in every country- are . what their rulers make , them ; and the rulers , when weak , are what their more powerful neighbours suffer them tD ' be . < ¦ .:: _; <•>• -r •¦ . ' . ' . ¦ :.. ¦¦¦ •/> : ' - ¦ ¦ t .: j .:-: ' . . ¦ - . •> - .
What has been , I fear , will be again . Have not Austria , England , and . France shaken bands , and pledged themselves to uphold a system of despotism in Europe * to ; which Russia , like a prodigal son , will ellortly return to claim a share ? , Itis a repetition of the samejprmciples ^ ind actions , with the except tion of the incident of the Eastern war , which is _ a question among 4 be partners as . to which of them is to have the greatest share in the scramble . If I express myself thus , it is not that I ever expected , or even wished , foreign aid for Italy . No Italian , proud of bis name , has ever accepted , much less degraded himself by " seeking aid "—this disgraceful practice , this declaration of weakness ,, must be left to Austria when she wishes to crust Hungary , and ( pardon the inevitable allusion ) to England when she finds it difficult to overcome the Russians . I am at
a loss to discover what expression in my letter has given to" She Believer" an opportunity , when speaking of Italy in 1848 , " to deprecate the habit of seeking aid . " On the contrary * we find-that the historical word of Charles Albert , 2 L'Jialiafgra da ee , " and the reception given to Rome to the . French troops , clearly show that the Italians are anxious to prevent all foreign interference in the affairs of their country . The , hope expressed Jihat England and Europe may . employ a more Jiberal policy in favour of the oppressed nationalities , is not to seek aid from any , but relies solely oh the progress of humanity . ¦ . ' ¦
Now I cannot regard the question of : an Anglo ? . Italian legion as slightly as your . correspondent . de ^ sires . I might perhaps overlook , the : incongruity which I noted in my former letter , and agree as . to the utility of Italians being instructed and exercised in the use of arms , but I see no reason why it should not be done under the Italian flag , unless it . be the fear that Piedmont oiay become loo important , in-the eyes of ; Austria , France , and other despotic stages . If English popular and official sympathy for Piedruont be a reality and not a " shani , " why not permit tho King off Sardinia 'to appeal'toithe Italians . of every state , and enrol them under his flag to fight fur the allies . ? Whv not accustom the . Italian liberals
lytliomeand abroad to regard that flag as thesynibpl pf all tUaioa noble , generous ,, andnational in Italy ? , |\; h ' y : $ qji $ cjl"jjbatoanR , not boaflt / pf tlieir < noble . deeds , P erformed under , their , own conoimariders and hi the jjajnie of theirowncountry t Would hot . such an event ¦ J ^ e , ' ; the , preenxflor of , that , day , wheu Piedmont sliajl , At thelieajlof lani Italianarmy ,, fight the battles , of ^ tnjy ? TJitf a ^ ne ^ . a high position among European nations , and . provide for . the future of Italy far better than the declamations of statesmen or of newspapers ^ -thia would furni & h , ^ he y A ^ iesi with an , ItaUan , arroy . jnsj ^ ad of a W ^ M ^ fcM'S ^ bT
. i ^ uad . ^^ un ^ yp ^ uMhe ^ Cjoalih of fidelity to the Queen , but by a ^^ rt pfelt devotion , to Jhe only Ita-JitMVluog ,, . flght , bravely in tUe cause of . progresjs and of humanity . ' > , . .,,, , ; ,, t . ., ; ,, ., ,., , , ., . . , ' . With these , observations I take my leave , trusting stijatrniy feHow-cbMntr ^ riieiv iri ay re 8 p 6 n & to the gencrous idea-of your ,-correspondent , and' know ilieir creed so that they ma ^ bezunjted jan , d atrQiig ,, I . differ from him more , in regard to , the past than to the . future of Iia ^/\ wh ^ W our ooflimoh wish is ^ may that future not pVfj ^ ofF . ''; , '' ' "' "'" 'XVurp ^ 3 V ' "'¦' : ; ' ; ' ; ¦ , ¦' , , ¦! , , , An Irx ^ AN .
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* 7 P E A C E O Jf 17 T It Je C H T. " (...
* 7 P E A C E O JF 17 T It JE C H T . " ( 7 b the Editor of the Leader . " ) £ ih ^ -lri , you r pr ospective comparison of Mr . Disraeli with Lord Bolingbroke , you ahticipato tho possibility of that statesman hereafter concluding a treaty analogous to the peace of Utrecht . You further quote Mr . Hnllnm to show that the terms of
that peace were disgraceful to Great Britain , and ybHx might ^ jhave added the authority of Lord Mahon , DrVUtisselli- anay indeed , of the majority of writers who have taken in hand to treat of that period of English history . Smollett and Macpherson , however , yiew the matter more dispassionately , though admitting that more advantageous terms might have been exttfrted from the vanquished foe . H , ad the war been originally undertaken for the sake of conquest , it would no doubt halve been highly inconsistent to have waived one iota of the most extreme terms that could be safely exacted . But very different was the motive that originated hostilities with
France . It was to counteract the ambitious views of Louis XIV ., which threatened the freedom of Europe , that a coalition was formed between the German Empire , Great Britain , and the Netherlands . The Belgic provinces had been already annexed by arms , and it seemed probable that Spain would be annexed by marriage , so that the balance of power would have been fatally compromised . It is needless to recapitulate how the genius of Marlborough and of Prince Eugene dissolved into yielding air the mighty visions conjured up by an insatiable lust of power . In spite of our allies , the fortune and arms of Britain triumphed over the ablest generals and bravest soldiery of France , and the object of the
war was fully attained . But surely it was not to be expected or desired that the resources of the nation should be exhausted in a vain attempt to gratify the revengeful feelings of the Emperor and the States-General . The English people had long grown weary of the constant drain on the population and wealth of the country for a purpose unintelligible" to the majority . It is , therefore , no fair subject of reproach to Ministers that they availed themselves of the earliest opportunity to bring the war to a conclusion . Their only fault was the manner in which they set about to compass this end . They would have acted with more honour and dignity had they proceeded
openly to work , and duly apprised the . allies of their intention . But their long experience of the impracticability of the Dutch character , and of the feeble obstinacy of the Germans , rendered them doubtful of the success of any negotiations in which these infelicitous elements were allowed to interfere . Even this consideration , indeed , hardly excuses theirinsincerity , for it tarnished the fair fame of England by attaching a suspicion of perfidy which long decades of honourable and disinterested dealing have scarcely yet -effaced from the minds of foreigners . To the treaty itself , however , no great objection can be made . It is thus summarised by Macpherson : —
" The advantages which Great Britain obtained for herself , though neither adequate to her victories nor , to , her expense , were solid and even splendid . She secured the dominion of the Mediterranean , by Obtaining Gribraltar and Minorca . She strengthened her . limits and extended her dominions in America . She forced France to relinquish all pretensions to Newfoundland ^ to cede Hudson's Bay , and to yield St . Christopher ' s . She obliged the French king to acknowledge the Protestant succession , and to cense to protect , ancj even to abandon the Pretender . She reduced him'to the huihiliating necessity of destroying Dunkirk , whose very ruins were to remain as a monument of his disgrace . As the last triumph over his' pride , she terrified him into the greatest concessions to the Duke of Savoy , whom , of all the allies , he hated most . "
Prance was humbled and Austria not rendered too powerful , the independence of Holland secured , and Great Britain sufficiently aggrandised . Such a conclusion to a long-protracted war cannot justly be deemed disgraceful to the Minister who brought it about .. It will be well for Europe if future historians shall be able to say of Mr . Disraeli that he terminated the present struggle by a peace which humbled Russia without rendering France too powerful , which secured the independence of Turkey and maintained tlio moral ascendancy of Great Britain . But is it not just possible that the unpopularity of the peace of Utrecht may bo partly due to its having indirectly conduced to the South Sea Bubble ? The clause that conferred upon England the
shameful privilege of supplying the Spanish settlements with African slaves , formed % \\ o backbone of the South Sea Company , and enabled it to make the enormous profits which proved the temptation to a swindle more monstrous even than the MississipjM scheme of tho Scotch adventurer . It is as difficult to form a due estimate of the influence of such associations on the public mind , as it is to trace thp rise and progress of prejudice in individuals . But however this may be , . if we have no further cause to regret tho present war than its termination by a treaty analogous to the peace of Utrecht , a load of distrust and apprehension will have weighed without cause on the mind of Yours truly , J . H . Bath , Sept . 4 t .
V Ffp .'" 'Iff ' Lehe War. (To Ihe Edito...
v ffp . '" 'iff lEHE WAR . ( To ihe Editor of the Leader . ) Sxb , —When the " Leader was first projected , an « Open Council" was to be a characteristic feature , and , as Ihave subscribed to two , hundred and . eighty-three numbers , I am well able to bear my testimony to the conscientiousness : of its Editor in having executed this part of its programme with so much faithfulness and impartiality . On previous occasions I have availed myself of this advantage , which enabled me to submit a few opinions upon passing events to its readers . In one of your articles last week , I discover I am one of those insignificant persons whom you stigmatise as noisy and heedless , and who are guilty of inconstant impetuosity , simply because I entertain an opinion , that the war should be stopped . Now , Sir , this is a harsh judgment , because it is an unfair one , and if you can . spare the room , I may be able to vindicate myself at least from your ill-judged reproach . When the war broke out the Leader contained some admirable articles upon it , informing its readers of the prospective advantages which must follow if carried on for national objects , but if prosecuted only for dynastic purposes , then it would be ^ a folly and a crime to continue a contest from which
nothing but fruitful , and I may add frightful , evils result . All those who approved of the war at the commencement did so from a conviction of its necessity as well as its righteousness ; none undervalued its difficulties nor dangers , but all were inspired by the desire to check the overweening arrogance and ambition of a most unscrupulous despot whose power was so extensively used to extinguish freedom in neighbouring states . Conceiving the proper time to have arrived to check Russia , we were naturally hopeful that our governing classes would inflict a blow in the most vulnerable part of his dominions , and we were accordingly lavish of everything that could tend to realise that object . And now what is
the result of the sacrifices we have made ? Have your poisoned arrows entered the heel of this northern Achilles ? Nay , have you directed your powerful forces in that direction ? Let Mazzini and Kossuth and Mieroslawski reply . And our ministers , what have they done to create confidence in our minds ? Why , have they not displayed the most elaborate ingenuity in circumscribing it within limits where it can do the least possible injury to our foes ?•—for we have more than one—and have they not showed how eagerly they will clasp at those four points which you have rightly said were ridiculed
and mercilessly criticised by all of us who take any interest in the preservation of that dignity we are all so proud , of , and the welfare of others , and which only the pride of pur enemy saved us from the shame of accepting ? What guarantee have we , I say , that this farce shall not be successfully perpetrated the next time by that facetious old Lord who now misrules our destinies , and who has shamefully acknowledged he had no sympathy for the claims of those oppressed nations which the Leader , I am proud to say , has constantly recognised .
There has been no want of " calm and logical persuasions , " for they have been unceasingly and energetically directed to the object we all have so much at heart ; we have had also a " sincere , and rational expression of public opinion , " which you affirm is the only want ; and those wretched Vienna Conferences testified to their value , and proved to us , notwithstanding . our well known aspirations , how willingly our Cabinet would have sacrificed them all for a hollo \ v peace . I hardly know how any one can resist , after a calm review of the war , the conclusion I and others have arrived at , that the war should bo
quickly terminated , when wo find our mighty energies directed to the consummation of such pigmy objects . I am forced to the conclusion that there is only one thing that can effectually curb the encroaching avariciousness of the Czars of Russia , and that is , the , freedom of Europe , which I am sorrowfully compelled to admit can be onl y realised by the sumu means we have obtained ours , and that is by revolution . When that time comes , I trust England will not be unfaithful to those traditions which three of the most memorable epochs in our history havo left us . Yours respectfully , Fkeukiuc A .
Cukko-Havoratock-hill , Carudon-town . Tine Eaiuvy Ci . osmo Association . —Tho first of tho autumnal series of meeting * of this association -was hc » l on Wednesday eveniug at Exefcor Hall , Mr . Mechi , tho well known Tiptroo model farmor in tho chair . Sovonu resolutions wore agreed to , congratulating tho association on tho progress wltlok tho cause has made within the ln » t few yoara . Wo trust that it will make still further progress when a knowledge of tho principles of Immunity and good eonso on which it is founded ia yot more widely diffused .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 8, 1855, page 16, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_08091855/page/16/
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