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/ 9V0 THE LEADER LSaturday , ' . • ..I. ...
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There is nothing so revolutionary ..beca...
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HOW TO GAIN £1000,000,000 BY WAR. Three ...
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THE BURNLEY MASTERS' COMBINATION. Tirrc ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
/ 9v0 The Leader Lsaturday , ' . • ..I. ...
/ 9 V 0 THE LEADER LSaturday , ' . .. I . ___ ; ¦ ' ¦ _ , - . _ . . _ . ¦ _ — . ; ..... . . '
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There Is Nothing So Revolutionary ..Beca...
There is nothing so revolutionary .. because there is nothing bo unnatural and convulsive , us the strain to keep thi p £ s iisedwhen all the world is by the very law of its creation m eternal progress . —Dn-Aenold . ¦
How To Gain £1000,000,000 By War. Three ...
HOW TO GAIN £ 1000 , 000 , 000 BY WAR . Three courses would , as usual , lie before any British Ministry at the commencement of an European war . There would , no doubt , be more than three , but the others would , to a certain extent , partake of the character distinguishing that sacred number . There would be , first , the course of extreme and dilatory caution , protracting as much as possible , negotiations , and postponing action by palaver . Secondly , there would I be ^ x mixed course—endeavouring to conduct the action of this country according . to old rules , avoiding the principal part as nruch as possible , and leaving the chief hostilities to be carried on by the litigant parties ; this country reserving itself for a merely auxiliary position . Thirdly , there would be the course of taking a decisive and active part , and carrying aggression into the
enemy s camp . The policy of negotiation has been tried during the last six months , and the results are not such as to make us anticipate anything hut loss from the continuance . By devoting " six months to " diplomatic- action on the side of-the Allied Powers and of European law , the . effect has been , that the material preparations for action , when it shall become necessary on that . side , have been principally left to Turkey , a semi-barbarous power , whose means of organization are not strong or perfect . She has , no doubt , obtained time to
construct fortifications at Varna so extensive as to be a burden rather than a strength ; and she lias jnusiercd upon her European territories hordes of barbarians from Asia Minor and Northern Africa , which cost her much to maintain , and which threaten as much as they support the authority of the Sultan . In the meanwhile Itussia has been permitted to collect and dispose her forces where it best pleases her ; to undermine the allegiance of the vassals of the Porte ; to talk over , half way at least , the Wmperor of Austria | to pursue , with comparatively little counteraction , his threatening persuasives towards the King of Prussia ; and , in short , to make his combinations with as little hindrance as if they were unsuspected . England
might , if she pleased , continue the plan of disguising pusillanimity under tho name of negotiation oven after Russia . should have proceeded to actual hostilities with Turkey . While the Turks were fighting , England might talk , and correspond , and in the cud , either Russia would gain her point , —gain , perhaps , the whole Ottoman Empire and vanquish England before the world ; or , England at least would have to buckle herself to tho labour of resistance , with all tho disadvantage of having permitted her adversary to gain . such an cnormoii . s start . It is evident- that l . he policy of negotiation in lieu of action could have no other but ; one of those two results , since . Russia has proved by her acts that she will not scruple to negotiate ; while . she continues to work .
Tho medium course , of supporting one side in tho hostilities without taking a foremost position , would very much resemble the position which . England occupied during a great part of the last European war , and it would bo necessary for her to proceed iu the same manner . In tho first , place , Jier . support to States carrying on hostilities would have to bo rendered in < , ho form of money ; and in tho second placo , if wo loll short of sueoe . s . s , Eni'land would have to furnish arm ion of hop
own , to sustain her allies on tlioir own ground , as who did in Spain and l / landon ) . It would be difficult , at tho present day , to recover the bill for tho expenses of tho armies in Portugal and Spain , but , it , was very considerable . The subsidies also form no small item in tho general account . Tho total cost , of thai- war may bo reckoned ufc about 1 , 000 , 000 , 000 / . of money ; and if this country " prepared to cany on the next war in tho . same way by proxy , —in tho first instance by subsidies ,
and ultimately by undertaking the business of the Continent herself;—it is more than probable that our national debt will be doubled . Small chance of getting rid of the Income Tax iii 1860 , if we recommence the mistake which procured us experience at such aii enormous price I England has not yet tried the third plan . Napoleon attempted it in part , but he could not thoroughly throw himself into it , because he
never was really devoted to the interest of his country , or of any country for which he professed to act ; but had always an underhand purpose of his own to be gained by crooked means . Those crooked means he pursued at the cost either of the foreign country or of . France . At the commencement of the century we witnessed the prosecution of a war by Napoleon to establish great empires , in which he would have been content to divide
the world with the Russian Emperor . Mankind , however , would not consent to be partitioned' between Alexander and Napoleon , and they themselves could not complete the partnership . By the mistake of England the war against Napoleon was converted into a war to establish what we called '' legitimate" thrones , — -States for the sake of families ; and to that aim Europe was then sacrificed . Families have repaid the favour by the grossest and cruellest mismanagement . It has been necessary to depose more than one since that settlement , and those who have not been
deposed , like Ferdinand of Spain , Ferdinand of I Austria , or Charles the Tenth of France ; or set aside like Constantine of Russia , Miguel of Portugal , or Carlos of Spain , have themselves infringed the law upon the strength of which they were " established , and have subverted the very States that we set up with their own thrones . Tho war to establish legitimate families has not succeeded in any of its objects , direct or collateral . The great result is , the enormous tyranny and cruejty which rules legitimate Europe , from St . Petersburg to Naples .
In 1848 we raw a move directed to establish Republican Government ; a purpose in which this journal could sympathise , if the state of opinion amongst numerous classes of Europe were sufficient to hold out any promise of success . But , if a war to establish a Republic is a calamity worth y enduring for the result , —a rebellion not to establish a Republic is a calamity which we deprecate , because we do not get the price for it ; because , in fact , we depreciate the public itself bv the failure .
It is for England a most remarkable fact , that in all those Avars , —in some of which she took an active and conspicuous part , and in all of which she professes to exercise an influence , —she abstained from upholding the principles to which she owes her own political existence and independence , and which she vaunts as peculiarly adapted to the welfare of mankind . England exists by constitutional government ; but she has never taken the opportunity of movement in Europe to seek the direct extension of her own principles . The result we see in the general decline of
constitutional principles on the European field . Lord Pahnerston lias habitually boasted that we have established the form of ' Constitutional Government in . ' Belgium , Portugal , Spain , Sardinia , and France ; but except Belgium and Sardinia , wli . it ban he now to show beside a form that mocks the boast , ; while a real constitution of genuine growth has been extinguished in Hungary . Wo believe thai ; this failure is in part ihw to tho fact that England has nowhere . sought to ally constitutional principles of government with " tho victory and glory of States , —associations that go far to make the multitude reverence the institutions to
which they are attached . Louis Philippe himself , who was called to the throne by the acclamations of the French peoplo , r , uttered a kingdom to slide under him because he neglected to do anything for the glory of bin country , and the people ceased to respect , their king any mores than the tradesmen who made hi a army , and whoso uniform ] , „ w <> re . Commerce itself follows in t , ho wake oi victory , if tho victory bo ruled by a wise spirit . England has now before her an opportunity winch she has often Iiuri , and never used ,-that of entering into the content of Europe with a determination { . <> mo j 10 l . victories as a menus of propagating her own principles
By this course , too , England would at once incur Jar less expense , and obtain far more certain rctui ™ , than l > y oil , ! ,,,,- of t j M ! ot ,, fir two . Ah to the expense , nho would not , n < Hid to subsidise govemmonlH ay a means of propping thorn up against tho
will of their own peoples . In the last war she spent 1000 , 000 , 000 ^ . of money to force particular families upon reluctant nations . It is a very expensive process , and one which offers no returns " political or commercial . If she were to raise the standard of constitutional freedom , she would have to deal , not with reluctant , but with willinrr peoples , and the families she might defy . She would not then need to subsidise
foreign armies for her armies would be supplied by the peoples themselves of Europe . The thing- they want is not men nor money , but an accredited leader ; and if the flag , which bears the th / ee crosses of the United Kingdom were raised with the avowed purpose of fighting to establish constitutional government Europe itself would furnish the anny to follow that flag .
I he return I Already we know that the trade which we carry on with Europe , is but a fraction of that which the peoples of Europe desire to carry on with us . The German trade is but a fragment of what it might be , if anti-commercial Austria and customs-intriguing Prussia , did not interfere ! Corn , wool , and wine , which we could take in such large quantities , could not be sent to us ' unless we were permitted to pay the people in consignments of our own produce and manufactures
Hungary has by its accredited representatives offered us a trade : in Italy a latent trade only waits permission to burst forth . The very people of France are already influencing their own government to adopt our commercial principles ; and if we could secui'e to the French Emperor such a title as an alliance under the sanction of a victorious flag would confer , he ¦ would but too gladly adopt all our commercial principles and some perhaps of our political ; for be it observed , that freedom after the English fashion is not
incompatible with monarchy as is the theoretical freedom which lias so often waged an unsuccessful contest with tho families . We have said nothing here of the American alliance , but we well know that in such a war the American flag would be raised by the side of our
own . Such a course then would involve no outlay of 1000 , 000 , 000 ^ ., but would return all the influence of a genuine victory for the peoples of Europe , and not against them ; would establish on the continent many a constitutional State to be an outpost of our freedom , and would open to us a trade worth tho outlay of the 1000 , 000 , 000 / ., which we paid before to close Europe against . us . The only thing wanted is an English statesman to appreciate the opportunities and the instruments which lie ready to his hand .
The Burnley Masters' Combination. Tirrc ...
THE BURNLEY MASTERS' COMBINATION . Tirrc strike of masters as well as men in the cotton ^ districts appears to continue , we regret to say , with no improvement of feeling on either side . Both sides exhibit that want of intelligence for which both will have to pay tho penalty . Wo say this with regret , and we know that we say it at tho expense of some odium from both . The masters cannot tolerate any journal which sees reason on the side of tho people , and , on the other hand , the working classes will not believe in tho friendship of a journal which at the present day does not advocate a rise of wages , through thick and thin . We have no doubt , indeed , that some of our readers in that class who have watched
our writing ior three years and more will understand why we now say that a time has arrived at which the working classes should be very careful in pressing claims , tho commercial merit of winch is a matter of question , and by such readers wo shall be respected not tho loss because we persist in repeating what to us appears to bo the truth . A more rise in wages in not iu itself good , unless it stands upon a real basis . It is true that masters have frequently retained for
themselves a larger share of the returns of trade than they could have done if their , men had known tho wholo state of commerce . And we are anxious Hint tho working classes nhould increase their knowledge of such facts , in order that they may preserve themselves from being defrauded when tho state of tho labour market and tho goodx markot would yield them higher wages . But , at present , there nro Hovornl circumstances which contribute to check the nrofits iu tho cotton
trade . Although tho trade has extended , tho value of tho manufactured article Iiuh not , upon the wholo , advanced . Ah wo nhowod not long fiinco , while our exports have increased in quantity about ouo hundred por cent ., tho gross vnluo haa
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 8, 1853, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_08101853/page/10/
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