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466 QCttt $Le *itet+ [Saturday,
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THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOUR BY PARLIAMENT...
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Tub Tailors* Associations. — Under the h...
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NOTICE TO NEWS-AGENTS. As some disappoin...
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{The following appeared in our Second Ed...
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Lord Brougham made another ill-natured a...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Redemption Society's Internal Arrang...
P . S . —Aug . 26 th . — London , from Mr . Corfield , for the community fund .... £ 0 10 0 Do . Do . for building fund 0 10 0 D . Green .
466 Qcttt $Le *Itet+ [Saturday,
466 QCttt $ Le * itet + [ Saturday ,
The Organization Of Labour By Parliament...
THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOUR BY PARLIAMENT . This question , -which presents elementary association in a practical light , has been handled by a society in London , whose statement of what might acceptably be done by the Government may perhaps be regarded as an intelligible contribution to the general argument . Parliament is asked to appropriate some piece of waste land , capable of sustaining from 200 to 500 poor families ; to build suitable habitations for them—plain , substantial houses , drained and ventilated so as to be salubrious . The buildings might be arranged on a cooperative
plan , so far as the common conveniences are concerned , which are already being realized in Model Washing and Lodging Houses , and Baths . There might be a public kitchen and a public table , for those adults who were very hungry would make no permanent objections to a dinner in company . In such a colony , trades and manufactures should be introduced in such proportion as would enable the residents to supply themselves , as far as possible , without barter—in fine , to render them selfsupporting and self-dependent . Let proper superintendents and directors be appointed by the founders of the colony . Let it be understood that whoever comes are to perform such work as may be appointed to them to do . Let the hours of labour be so ordered so
as not to exceed the average extent of strength of the parties who are to perform it—their remuneration being wholesome shelter , wholesome food , sufficient clothing , and a useful education for their children . The surplus products of the colony , when any , should be disposed of , to repay the cost of its foundation and expense of direction ; and afterwards it should become the property of the colonists , who would have before them the prospect of ultimate emancipation . There would be no air of charity about the place—no personal humiliation—but such order and enforcement of duty as would ensure the productiveness of the place .
Many of the working classes would refuse any such asylum as this . To be forced to work at what shall be appointed them—to be required to work a given number of hours—to be restricted to plain food , to plain homes , to plain clothes , would seem very objectionable until they reflected how much more objectionable is their present situation . There is no tyrant on record , no JDraco , Nero , Caligula , or Nicholas , whose edicts were ever half so brutal and inexorable as the edicts of Destitution . There is no tyranny like want . Yet under this tyrant the unemployed live . If they get employment they must accept it or perish , though it should be offered by their most deadly enemy . They must work any number
of hours , as in the factories they do . They must work also at whatever they shall be ordered , even though greatly injurious to life , and all under the iron penalty of death . In return for this submission there is the scanty pittance—the unwholesome home in the foetid alley or damp cellar—the ragged attire—the unwholesome food —no education whatever for children ( for the poor cannot pay for education beyond a few pence per week , and for a few pence anything worthy of the name of education cannot be had)—and withal there is no provision for the future , no self-emancipation . The poor labourer , like the poor horse , is , when worn out , abandoned to die , or is killed off with official parade—commonly called Poorlaw support . Those who reflect on this will not be long in preferring that arrangement which ensures health , a wholesome home , a useful education for children , and a
prospect of ultimate competency ; to that which , in leaving men free only to starve , dooms them to ignorance , dependence , and the grave . It would be pretended , perhaps really believed , that in this species of industrial plan men would be too much governed . They are too much governed already . As there is no tyranny like Anarchy , so there is no government so bad as the absence of government . These arrangements would substitute the government of intelligence for the iron rule of chance and poverty . And when you show men that a wise compliance with certain rules will promote their interest and improvement , compliance becomes a sublime duty ; and it can be proved that men do yield a more implicit and offensive obedience to vice and tyranny than will be demanded of them , in Association , for self-support and improvement . — John-street Political and Social Tract Society .
Tub Tailors* Associations. — Under The H...
Tub Tailors * Associations . — Under the head " Associative Progress" you report a speech delivered Rt Westminster , in which the Tailors' Association in Castle street , is referred to as evidencing the success of associative principle . I , as a master tailor , am somewhat acquainted with these subjects , and wish you would enable others to judge as well as yourself . When the proper time has arrived for presenting a balance sheet , do not fail to give us an abstract of it . Mis-Ai'i ' iiKituNsiON ConuKCTED . —There is a very general opinion abroad , which we hope you willbc prompt
to correct , founded in error , and created by mis-representntion , that Assoeiatives arc destructives , arc combatants , and would destroy all society but those of their opinion , and those who absolutely joined with them , cm thcjirinciplc that " those who are not with us are against us . 1 ho 1 « riemls of Association are no more combatants or fighters than Quakers , nml aie equally moral in practice . J he Quakers in their early days had to endure much the same opprobrium , —and a much greater degree of persecution ;—but they have lived through it , and have obtained privileges .- —N . & ., Bath .
Notice To News-Agents. As Some Disappoin...
NOTICE TO NEWS-AGENTS . As some disappointments have come to our knowledge , sustained by agents of the late Weekly Tribune in not being able to procure the requisite supply of the Leader , we inform tkem that if they write to Mr . Vickers , Holywell-street , or to our publisher , Mr . Clayton , 265 , Strand , the omissions may be corrected , and the paper regularly obtained for the future .
{The Following Appeared In Our Second Ed...
{ The following appeared in our Second Edition of last week . [ POSTSCRIPT . Saturdat , August 3 .
Lord Brougham Made Another Ill-Natured A...
Lord Brougham made another ill-natured attack upon the Hyde-park Exhibition , last evening . He understood that the huge operations were begun , and were in course of being carried on to the destruction of the Park and the road leading from Hyde-park corner to Kensington , which hitherto had been an easy and comfortable passage for the inhabitants j particularly those on the left-hand side , but which was now to be paved with blocks of granite , heavy , and adapted for a road on which there was heavy and incessant traffic , but wholly unnecessary and inappropriate in such a locality as that . He then adverted to the coriduct of the Attorney-General in refusing to sign the information against the commissioners for the Exhibition of 1851 , which he condemned in strong terms , contending that if the Attorney-General was to be the sole judge between the Crown and all other persons , and was to shut the doors of the courts of justice in the manner he had done , this country would be no longer free , and the Attorney-General would be more absolute than any despot in Europe . He could not help , when he reflected on the silence observed in both Houses when this subject was introduced , feeling amazed at the prostration of spirit exhibited when the word * ' Prince" was pronounced . The Lord Chancellor defended the course pursued by the Attorney-General , -which was strictly according to law . Lord Brougham admitted that the Attorney-General was warranted by law in acting as he had done , but what he questioned was his discretion . Lord Brougham then moved for an account of the savings of the civil list revenues since the beginning of 1838 . His object was not to open up any indecorous enquiry into the personal expenses of the Sovereign , but merely to ascertain in what quarter certain savings had accrued . " He held in his hand a return which had been presented to Parliament , up to the 5 th of April , 1850 , which showed that a saving of £ 38 , 719 4 s . 2 d . had been effected in the expenditure of the civil list during last year . This surely could not be considered a secret when these savings had been stated in a return furnished by the Treasury . Now all he wanted to know was how much of the amount had been effected in consumable articles used in the Lord Steward's , in the Lord Chamberlain ' s , and in the Master of the Horse ' s departments , and how much had been obtained from pensions and salaries . He wanted to see how much had been saved in each department , and how much from salaries . They had the total amount , and he could not conceive why they should not have details . Previous to voting the civil list for this reign , estimates were laid before the Parliament in 1837 , explaining the principles on which the Government had framed the civil list for the present reign . Estimates were given under various heads , of so much being required for the Lord Steward ' s , the Lord Chamberlain ^ , and the Master of the Horse's departments , and so much as allowance for salaries and pensions . He , therefore , required an explanation under which head the savings had been effected . It had become known that , in consequence of the death of
Sir Thomas Marrable , and the appointment of Mr . Hill to the Board of Green Cloth , there was a saving to the amount of £ 2927 . This , therefore , had been effected out of a vote which had been granted for a specific purpose . If they voted a certain number of thousands a-year for the support of the dignity of the Crown for each department , they ought to know what the expenditure was in the Lord Steward's , the Lord Chamberlain ' s , and the Master of the Horse's departments . The Sovereign had no right to abolish offices—or , rather , the advisers of the Crown
had no right to take money given for one purpose and apply it to another . He begged to remind the House that in 1837 or 1838 he had stated two grounds why he thought it was the duty of Parliament to fix a period to which they should limit the civil list then to be granted . During all the discussions when they were fixing the amount of the expenditure of the three great departments of the Court , and of salaries and pensions paid out of the civil list , he had remarked that they could not be able to see whether in future time the amounts they were about to vote would be too much or too little . If it was too
little , the Parliament would have to give an increase or to pay off debts contracted on the civil list . If it was too much , which was very possible , and he had stated several reasons why he thought this would be the case , it was a strong ground why provision should not be made . He had strongly maintained one reason for thinking so , merely that the prices of articles of consumption would not continue high . He then said he did not believe that the corn laws would be long continued . He had expressed his assurance that that law must be repealed , and he had asserted that the consequence of such repeal would be that they could not properly appropriate the amount that would be required in each of these
departments with the existing state of facts before them . As he had foreseen , the corn laws had been repealed , and savings to the amount of £ 38 , 000 had been effected in the expenditure of the civil list in one year . He took credit for not having agreed at the time with the sums fixed for each , for the whole of a reign , for these several departments . " Another reason for enquiry was in order to ascertain how the revenues of the Duchies of Cornwall and Lancaster were managed : —
" In 1848 , not less than £ 7000 was paid out to defray the charges connected with the Prince of Wales , the auspicious young prince being only seven years old . The whole amount drawn for the alleged service of his royal highness was considerably greater , amounting to not less than £ 29 , 000 . It was quite impossible that that House could believe that the expence of his education , the charge for maintenance , or any other necessary expenditure for him could amount to so much ; such , however , was the sum received by the Crown out of the revenues of the duchy for the alleged maintenance of the Prince of Wales . It appeared , also , that a saving had been effected in the duchy of Lancaster of not less than £ 12 , 000 , and this was to be added to the £ 38 , 000 saved in the civil
list . " He proceeded to argue that it was not in conformity with the genius of the constitution that the Sovereign should have the means of acquiring wealth , but that she should be dependent on Parliament : — " If the Sovereign and the Parliament [ Lord Brougham included ] went on with amicable feelings and with a good understanding , the latter would be ample , liberal , nay , even generous , in its grants for the support of the dignity of the Crown . He had been many years a minister of the Crown , and he had never doubted for one moment that such would always be the result of a mutual good feeling existing . "
On the present occasion all he wished to move for was a return showing how much of the £ 38 , 000 saved from the civil list was saved in the departments of the Privy Purse , and in the offices of the Steward , the Chamberlain , and the Master of the Horse . The Marquis of Lansdowne thought it extremely dangerous to open up a question of this description , and he would not , therefore , give to the noble loTd the smallest particle of information . It was settled by a compact with the Crown that the civil list should not be interfered with : —
* ' The greatest inconvenience would be felt , and indeed the greatest indecorum would be manifested—as much as if the affairs of any private gentleman were enquired into—if they were to examine in that House , or in the other House of Parliament , or out of doors , whether there had been a horse too much or too little given in this department , or a dinner too much or little given in that department , the real question being whether the honour and dignity of the Crown had been generally maintained . He would not ask their lordships whether
this object had been attained in the present reign . He believed it was admitted on all hands that the expenditure of the civil list had been regulated in accordance with the spirit of the country , with the honour and dignity of the Crown , and with a liberal distribution of public and private charity . { Hear , hear . ) Beyond that he did not know that the public could desire anything ; and he would put it to his noble and learned friend whether his motion could answer any other purpose than that of satisfying mere curiosity ?"
The Duke of Wellington said that , on settling the civil list , Parliament had stipulated that it would not enquire into the expenses of the civil list , and that the right of the Crown to appropriate to one class the savings effected in another was unquestionable . Lord Monteagle said that , in the settlement of the civil list , the words of Lord Spencer , which were echoed in Parliament , were , that Parliament should vote the gross sum applied for , and that the whole of the savings were to go to the Crown . Lord Brougham snatched up his hat , and , hurrying in the direction of the door , said , " I will not give your
lordships the trouble of dividing . " The Marquis of Breadalbane said the noble and learned lord would take nothing by his motion . He might look upon himself as a public benefactor , but the public would not so regard him . It was his opinion that the noble and learned lord had entitled himself to the censure of that House , and he was sure the public would be of the same opinion . Lord Brougham who , during the noble Marquis ' s observations , had been standing by the side of the woolsack in earnest conversation with
the Lord Chancellor , turned round abruptly , and , pointing in the direction of the noble marquis , exclaimed , " Is he moving a vote of censure ? " ( Loud Laughter ) . The Marquis of Bread alb ane : No ; but I say you have entitled yourself to the censure of the House and the public . Lord Brougham , in very hurried accents , and with vehemence , replied , ' Oh ! I have no fear of this House or the public . " { Laughter . ) His eccentric lordship then ran out of the House , and no more was heard of the motion .
In the House of Commons , last evening , Mr . Hume gave notice that on Monday next he will move tho following resolution as an amendment to the resolutions of the Attorney-General in the case of the Baron ltothschild : — " That the clerk of this House having proceeded as directed by this House to administer the oath to Baron Lionel Nathan de . Rothschild , one of the members for the city of London , upon the Old Testament , being the form which he declared to be the most binding on his
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 10, 1850, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_10081850/page/10/
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