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Qctobei* 13, *85&] TMM IIADEB. 937
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ITALIAN LEADERS AT WORK. (From a Corresp...
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' ! MR. THACKERAY'S FAREWELL LECTURE. Th...
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Tiik Tkstimoxiai, to Skrokant Bhodie. — ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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How To Create A Mutiny. Somebody Has Fou...
can- to strengthen our defences at home , or to augment our forces , in presence of the enemy . The order issued by Major De Rolxes de Moi & vy & bs , therefore , is calculated not only to have the effect of rousing the Kerry militia and Limerick , but also in reminding tho thousands of Irishmen that stand now undistinguished from Englishmen in the Crimea and in Odessa , that they are a degraded class whom their fellow-countrymen when in safety will revisit with humiliation and contumely . Major De Kolkes i > e Molleynes may be said to have
cultivated CJ mutiny wmcu is likely to Jbavo fruit in other mutinies , before enemies as well as at home ; for all Irish , wherever they may be , are reminded that , although the drum may march them into the presence of the enemy , it must not march them into the presence of their Creator ; that equal as they may be when they are considered food for powder , they arc not equal when considered as creatures of a common Father . They have an equal right to immolate themselves in attacks upon the liedan , but the } - have no equal right in the eyes of a De Koixes de Mollei'nes—no equal protection from the Tory General of the district in which Limerick is placed . AVe -wait to sec what Lord Palmehsto >'' s AVar Minister will be instructed to say to De Kolles de Molleynes .
Qctobei* 13, *85&] Tmm Iiadeb. 937
Qctobei * 13 , * 85 &] TMM IIADEB . 937
Italian Leaders At Work. (From A Corresp...
ITALIAN LEADERS AT WORK . ( From a Correspondent . " ) The uncertain tendencies of the revolution which , on the barricades , or on the battle-field , will probably , ere long , take place among the justlyexcited populations of Italy , have already been illustrated by the opposite character of the documents which have been published almost ' simultaneously , and partly in connexion with each other . "We- have In-fore us the manifesto made by Kossuth , Mnzzini , and Lo-dru Kollin to Europe , the proclamation of Mazzini to the Neapolitan youth , the letter of Lucien Murat to the Times , the revolutionary national programme to the Sicilians , the adhesion of the Republican Manin to the House of Savoy , and the protest of the Neapolitan and Sicilian exiles against any dynastic question which is not founded on the free will of the people . Each of these documents takes a different view of the subject , each pretends to show the Italian people the way to Liberty , and each circulates through the Italian peninsula amon < r partisans , sectaries , and patriots . "What will be the ultimate result of these rival ambitions , these divisions , and this party spirit' ? How will they affect the impending struggle , which will probably decide for ever the future of a nation so noble and so long suffering ? Revolution is not easy , hence it is not a frequent event . To be successful it must be of rare occurrence , and have a determinate object ; it should know from the past what dangers to avoid , what passions to raise , what to repress , and how best to direct the movement . In Italy , where a ' dozen revolutions have failed through the divisions fomented by governments , or parties who were ' the faithful servants of foreign powers , the lessons of the past are too well known , and the object to be ! attained too well defined . Mnzzini ' s error seoms to be an attempt to conduct and realise the revo- I lution by nn abstract idea . He has never studied the opportunities of the times , nor the actual condition of Kurope , but , deeply immersed in dreams , constructs tlus destinies of tho people , and comes forth from the silence of his chamber with a programme announcing to Kurope at large , to Italy in particular , that ( to use his own phrase ) " K ' uuj-( loms arc ruined from the . /« . ' " that all is now ready , that republicanism has but to show itself , and forthwith Austrians , French , kings , popes and priests will disappear . Now , it needs no argument to prove that republicanism is on tho distant horizon . It waa destroyed as soon as born in Italy , it -was treacherously crushed in France , nnd m our day it has never boon tried in any other country . After theso failure * , is it likoly ' nt the present moment to bo seriously contemplated in Italy P In France , besides Bonapartisin and
republicanism , there is legitimacy ; while in Italy , besides the choice between half a dozen tyrants , or the Ideci ) there ifl the Independence and Unity of the nation , an object far more precious to the Italian patriot than the mere substitution of one form of government for another- Opportunities do not therefore at present favour M . Mazzini ' s plans , and this of itself throws doubt on his political foresight ; for policy , more especially revolutionary policy , may truly be defined " the science of opportunities . " i
These considerations have not escaped the more practical observation of Daniel Manin , for we hear him say , " I , a republican , raise the standard of union . " The republican party , so deeply calumniated , offers a new act of self-abnegation to the national cause . That party says to the House of Savoy : " Remember Italy , and we are with you . " They say to the Constitutionalists : " Take thought for Italy and not for the aggrandisement of Piedmont alone . Be Italians , and not mere burghers , and we are with you ; if not—not . " There is a true appreciation of the actual state of Europe in the considerations which rule Manin ' s conduct . About ten years ago Count Cesare Balbo , a Sardinian statesman , whose name stands high in public estimation , wrote a book on the " Hopes of Italy , " in which he proved that the future solution of the Italian question , as far as regarded Austria , would depend on the future dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire . The argument was simple enough , although it appeared very strange at the time . He took the principle of compensation as a basis , and showing how extremely difficult it would be to make new territorial arrangements in Europe without great and general events , he suggested that in the unavoidable partition of the European provinces of Turkey , Austria might receive a share as an indemnity for the loss of her Italian possessions . Liberals of every denomination laughed at Count Balbo's new idea ; but his book , possibly from the want of others on similar sub- jects , was read throughout Italy—although rather I as a curious specimen of speculative policy than as offering any serious insight into probable events . Count Balbo died at the commencement of the Russian war , but his book is now sought alter , from the fact that all the hopes , fears , and projects of revolutionary diplomatists and kings , in short all the most vital questions of Europe , are now centred in the existence or destruction of the Ottoman Empire and the final solution of the Eastern Question . The circumstance , therefore , of Piedmont sharing the dangers and g lory of the Allies in the Crimea is , to a certain extent , a pledge that she will be called in to share something more in the final European settlement , and this { rives a certain air of prophecy to the idea of the Sardinian statesman . The adhesion of Manin with his section of republicans to Piedmont , while it adds strength to that State , shows her growing favour among Italians of every party , and is also a noble abnegation of individual opinion for the general good . We most heartily cheer the pure patriotism which has thus seized the only opportunity lor the unity of Italy , and we trust it may find imitators . While one republican leader has , for the last twenty-five years , stood firmly by his Idea , while ! i second is turning his eyes towards that land ivherc the Italian " colours still lloat , and where Italy as a nation may be spoken of without crime , i third conceals himself beneath the folds of a oval mantle , and , fearing to show himself openly : o his friends , tries secretly to obtain a sceptre for i Murat so as to drive away the Bourbon , and hen , perhaps , at some future time to got rid of Murat he would be ready to exhalt the Cap of Liberty . Murat , therefore , is a mere supernumerary in the drama ; the principal actor s Mr . " Saliceti , a man highly esteemed by lis countrymen for his honesty and talent , and vhom wo would gladly justify for thus endoavourng to throw his country into the arms of a new breign pretender , if such a proceeding were in iccordance with the wishes of the moro prominent > f the Neapolitan and Sicilian refugees . These mve , however , in two separate protests , one at ienort the other at Turin , made known that 4 they think there is no necessity for the people » f the Two Sicilies to manifest beforehand what hall be the form of government , or tho dynasty hat shall rule over them ; this can only be determined in accordance with the rights and interests tfthe whole of Italy . " Mr . Snliceti , a leading mem-> cr of the European Committee , has thus lost the onfideneo of his republican friends , although the iivour of an Imperial court , and the more efficient
money which Murat , when"t > n the throne , may confer upon hinij would seem to many a sufficient compensation for this loss . It is said that he has succeeded in obtaining a loan among Italian capitalists in aid of Murat ' s projects . Murat does not disavow his claims , but , on the contrary , explains on what grounds he intends to act ; of course , according to the trick of all pretenders , he professes to give to the Italians everything they wish , while it is understood that his cousin is afraid to act lest suspicion should be thrown on his frankness . Thus we have the strange anomaly of proclamations and declamations by Italian republican leaders , united to imperial and princely letters , all breathing impatience for action , and each party ready to tear Italy into fresh portions . Unfortunately they have forgotten Austria , who in the meantime , with German coldness and forethought , looks calmly on , makes preparations for war , adds fresh troops to those already under her command , and sees with satisfaction , if she does not secretly add to the multiplicity of discordant elements , whose existence is her life . Will not these considerations induce Italian leaders to enrol themselves under the " Standard of Union raised by Daniel Manin ?
' ! Mr. Thackeray's Farewell Lecture. Th...
' ! MR . THACKERAY'S FAREWELL LECTURE . The last public appearance in England , previous to his departure for America , of the author of Vanity Fair and The Newcomes , took place on Wednesday evening at the Jews Literary and i Scientific Institution . The room was crowded—, in fact , overcrowded ; and some interruption had I to be encountered at the commencement of the ¦ Lecture , owing to the struggles for place of the i ticket-holders . " Humour and Charity" was the f subject of the discourse , which consisted of a re-I sume of the six Lectures on the English Humorists I with which Mr . Thackeray has already delighted I the world . Some additions , however , were made in the form of brief criticisms on , and extracts from , living humorists , even including the works of the Lecturer himself . A summary of the chief points of the Lecture is thus given in a daily contemporary : — " The object of the lecturer was to show that the humorist has a higher function than that of merely contributing to the amusement of his readers , his being the magic power to excite their charity , to elevate their turn of thought , and altogether to make them wiser and better than before . Mr . Thackeray ' s earlier illustrations of his position were received with silent attention , plainly indicating that the literature of the Augustan age of English literature is little better than a sealed book to modern audiences . His admiration of Addison was accepted upon trust , and his laudation of Steele excited merely curiosity ; but when he came down to modern times * the hearty and repeated cheers proved how admirably he coincided with the general acceptation of the authors enumerated . Tho allusions to Charles Lamb evoked the applause of the elders ; Thomas Hood met with more general recognition ; but when the lecturer cnme down to Jerrold , Dickens , and the author of Vanity Fair the company gave decided indications that he had reached the level of every one ' s literature . As a question of quantity , the applause waa pretty equally divided between Nicholas XicMeby and Vanity Fair , but some deduction must be made for the personal presence of the author of the great novel of the century . In this portion of the lecture , and a projws of popularity , an admirable use was made of some of our cheap current literature , to which was given as a pendant a visit made by the lecturer to a penny theatre , the description of which elicited shouts of applause . Tho object of both passages was to show that the popular feeling is always with tho weak against tho strong , and can only be successfully appealed to by showing up a struggle between minions of the aristocracy' and chivalrous men in mole-» kin , which invariably terminates in the complete triimph of the latter . Throughout , Mr . Thackeray con-: ended , nnd proved to the satisfaction of his audience , hat tho pen of tho humorist ia alwa 3 s enlisted in tho ; ause of lovo and charity , and that it invariably does ? ood service in fostering both those valuable qualities > f erring humanity . "
Tiik Tkstimoxiai, To Skrokant Bhodie. — ...
Tiik Tkstimoxiai , to Skrokant Bhodie . — Tho novoment , originated at Canterbury , in ^ ehalf of this 11-used non-commisaionod officer , is progressing . jatifliactorlly , all classes . sympathising in hid p resent position , ? au . sod solely through his preventing « i hostile nu'ctuiff between two of his officers . Among tho list of ""^ "P " lions already rewived stands tho name of the « . nn o Shaftosbury for M . A letter hit * boon published I om a police-sergeant , enclosing « * ulwcri |» Mon , and * poakinfc 111 nrt £ i" ^^ hct 1 o ? ° Sk , aunounees , h , U Z'Z ^ hT October ho ^^ ™ ^ rho exact locality of this now planet is at present very ndistinotly staled .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 13, 1855, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_13101855/page/15/
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