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THE GRANGE THUNDER-CLOUD. Three question...
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THE SETTLEMENT OP SCHLESWTGHOLSTEItf. Th...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Feast Op Eagles. Seated On The Tribu...
^ scourged it , bribed t *> i ^ mrcedltby ^ riSw iood , pam ^ red toit by goqd ^ at-£ X and drinking , preached to it , weaned from ^ Iry other dut y , ^ demoralized ^ from ^ ey ry Sr du ty , moralized only to that , and tried in + St duty under the hand of their half creator , their last finisher , their master , seated there above Such is the glory machine , taken from nations and given , to Napoleons , or Bourbons , or Hapsburgers , as the case may be ; such is the thunder-and-lightning machine of the terrestrial Jove , tyv ^ dm Fren (^ medBl byJh ^ bolt
in the hand of the godliJce JNapoieon tne ± irst , modelled naked on such coin , for the greater sublimity . We reibember well to have seen that mefal after the fall of the mighty ; man : Louis If apoleon must have remembered it too , seated there on his high tribune , holding in his right hand the great cursing-machine , m his left the blessing-machine ^ _ m . . Beyond , crowding as they might have done to honour the Republic in its virgin days—if ever those were — as they might have done to honour Louis Philippe , notre cher bourgeois , Lamart ine
—to honour Bourbon or Bonaparte , , the Goddess of Reason , or . Mardi Gras , sat , stood , trudged , jostled , and fumed , those facile and ever gay Parisians , mastered to the splendours of the scene . What if their brothers and sisters had been torn from their homes at midnight , or butchered in the noon-day street PThey had held the freedom , of the state in their own hands , and he had snatched it from them ; they had possessed themselves , and he had niched them from themselves ; but he gives such magnificent reviews—and now does he possess them
quite . Near him , honoured by the nearness , and sunned by the success , stood numbers of pur more exalted countrymen— -Englishmen of high birth , men in the uniform of the British army- — for the paid soldier needs have no country , only a sense of official authority . Honoured , caressed , applauded , was the chief of the day , for is he not " established "; quite established enough for the assent of English aristocracy . He had duly taken possession of " my allies" in the English fashion—he had dined them . And they stood around —the licensed representatives of that England , whose party chiefs are eager to confess
a wholesome awe of the dread potentate—whose foreign minister is his intimate and confidential / r iend , and apt coadjutor in decreeing successions under the very nose of Bussia . And all , he must have thought , surveying the living mass from his high place , are mine j those soldiers whom I have trained to trot , to manoeuvre , to eat , to slay , at my will ; those priests whom I have helped back into high place ; those officers , whom I have made to know their stations , have indulged in battues of civilians , and have decorated ; that people , whom I have cowed , coerced / and amused—all mine .
And so they are . A Name , a cramped and eilont tongue , lips crafty and compressed , a conscience absolved from scruple by a superstitious prcdestinatarianism , have been his resources . JJ orce is still the final arbiter ; and if a nation does not hold its strength in its own hands , a lounger from Leicester-square , with talents for conspiracy abovo those or a common pirate , can seize the state . Especially if it have no real convictions—if its nationality be the passion for foto
a outvying ffites elsewhere ; its religion , the religion of a lath and plaster altar ; its " glory " to be d 6 ne it by hired lackeys ; its really nign . -minded men unvalued , sent to exile without an effort to hold them back . Power was Uiore that day , in the full pride of triumph , an oagio trampling on its prey j but there was one ining wanting which had made that prey helpless under its oppressor , which now maae that g'gjntic power hollow and tottering as the altar wiat bestowed its pasteboard blessing—that thing ioa
»»« Was . Love . The nation had loved nothing , . . 7 not enough to bind it to any common object of life . Ana that man , none loves him , oi a soul ; not for all his power , all his splenic ? - " ~ not foraUhia selfish favours and debasing uonatlv unlovod hecmso unloving . Ho is , inat js all ; no one desires him to be . Ho will j- ^ so when hiB how is full , and no one will strivo t ; i vo * tho shaft of destruction , no ono mourn . Wi i savago , hia is w & at he holds : let his clay ax m * ifc ifJ S > and h ° — lumP of Meanwhile , ho has been able to moke France
the Helot example for the free nations that remain in Europe : to them the | Ste of May 10 exposed her in the garish sunshine of her abject forgetfulness , and in the triumphal trappings of her splendid degradation .
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The Grange Thunder-Cloud. Three Question...
THE GRANGE THUNDER-CLOUD . Three questions , each one * of considerable importance , are involved in the adjourned debate on the Maynooth grant—that of good faith in not re-opening the settlement of 1845 , that of the relation of England to Ireland , and that of civil and religious liberty . "We agree with Lord Palmerston in hia view of "the previous question , " whether the present is the time to entertain any proposition for inquiry ; since there are , as Mr .
Henley said in regard to the policy of repealing free trade , " no new facts . " The charges made against the Roman-catholicinstruction are exactly the same that were made in 1845 , and were deliberately overruled by Parliament ; the college has not yet turned out any scholar ; the intervening question of papal aggression , so obliquitously used by the late Ministers , gives every re-opening of the question a peculiar and ominous colour j and thus , having nothing to learn , and much to mistrust in the moral influence of the
re-opening , we hold that it would be far best to have no inquiry at all . So many , however , give the motion at least a negative sanction , that we must make up our minds to its coming ; and in that expectation we rejoice to see that Mr . Gladstone has so distinctly and justly placed the inquiry on . its right ground . Theprincipal arguments for inquiry are rested by Mr . Spooner on the nature of tne doctrines taught by the Roman-catholics ; but that kind of statement is wholly beside the real question at issue . The continuance of the Maynooth endowment can only be discussed on the same
ground with the grant of 1845 , and that did not relate to Roman tenets . Romanism is at present a fixed fact in Ireland : you have Roman-eatholics , you have priests , and the priests must be taught ; and the question raised try Sir Robert Peel was this : having those priests , who will receive an education somewhere , is it better that they ^ should receive it in St . Omer and Rome , or in Dublin P The question of the existence of the priests , or of their education , is not at issue ; but the question of place is ; and you have to say whether the place would be amid Ultramontane society , or among English society ; among a society in which the Galilean doctrine of the solar svstem is recognised as a matter of course , or
where the Ptolemaic system is the only one permitted utterance P Tne main fact , the essence of the matter , is not in question ; the thing in question is the circumstances . It is a question of rearing Cullens or Murrays . —Roman Catholics both , both loyal to the Sovereign Pontiff ; but one declaring education , thought , science , incompatible with his presence ; the other giving to Roman Catholicism a spirit which rendered it quite compatible with the education , the science , the liberal feeling of English society . It is a geographical question , involving all the difference in the surrounding influences ; and Sir Eobert Peel decided that question in favour of Dublin . The true question has not altered since he settled
it . The question of religious liberty , however , is immediately involved . If you grant perfect freedom of opinion you must permit the discussion of Roman tenets : if you permit real discussion , you must permit conviction to carry itself out into practice . But you always grant that permission with important reservations , in which social safety really lies . If you think that the influence created is bad , the same freedom of opinion and discussion enables you , without any violation of conscience , to promote the counterinfluence ; and , surolv , in a free atmosphere , the
Newtonian need not fear the Ptolemaic system 1 And the promulgation of doctrines opposed in spirit to the spirit of the established laws , although it warrants no forcible . or summary suppression , does warrant a strict and effective visitation , to see that the laws bo not infringed . These are tho true safeguards of religious liberty , as applied against the encroachments of Rome . Assume that any tenets aro to be accounted " wrong" in tho eye of the law , and you at once admit the right to dictate what is " right ; " which is precisely the claim that you deny to Rome . Admit that you may enforce what is dootrinally " right " by suppressing what is dootrinally wrong , and
you at once close the field of discussion ; Borne having all the advantage in the closed field ^ but being powerless in the open field . A religious liberty which may be violated in favour of a particular religious creed , or against a particular creed , is noliberty , but only a dictation agreeable to those who agree with the dictator . The true friends of religious liberty will therefore insiBt upon the absolute right , of Romanists to propagate their tenets , so long as equal freedom T > e
maintained for other creeds ; and they will insist on the right of Romanists to practise their observances , so long as they do not break the law . With those two safeguards ,, neither science * nor morals , nor freedom , nor Protestantism , nor any other thing that we value in this country , has aught to fear from Romanism . JN ot only is the faith of good statesmanship invaded in this attempt to re-open the Maynooth question—not only is religious freedom invaded
under pretext of a defensive attack on the Pope , but the most direct practical effect of the dispute is , to -set Ireland against England . It is quite evident from the debate , that the more ardent Romanists do not altogetherdislike the movement . The amount of the grant , a paltry 26 , 0002 ., is not worth consideration—is certainly worth no mean-spirited concessions ; but the withdrawal of it would powerfully stimulate Irish feeling , as such , against Protestantism and all that belongs to it . In any serious confusion the Catholicism of Ireland has nothing to lose , but might gain something ; the expulsion , for instance , of an alien clergy , with the property of the alien church for a prize . It is the moderate Catholics who join with the liberals and the true friends of re-V . . . i * ¦ ¦ i . a * -a . ^ "i- ^ j _ in connici mat
. . . ligious progress aeprecaung a must set Ireland and England against each other . In permitting this movement , Ministers take out a bad compensation for their better spirit in other things . While false © economists and peace men are delighting to keep England disarmed in the face of an armed and uireatening continent , the Conservatives are doing their best , cum privilegio et auctoritate , to alienate Ireland from England , and make Ireland remember the proclamation of O'Connell , that England's danger is Ireland ' s opportunity—and her sole opportunity shall it be , says Spooner , by licence of Derby .
The Settlement Op Schleswtgholsteitf. Th...
THE SETTLEMENT OP SCHLESWTGHOLSTEItf . The tedious and perplexing Schleswig-Holstein question , involving such momentous considerations as the succession to the Danish crown and the sovereignty of the discordantDuchies , has been finally arranged , as all these high dynastic limitations are wont to be arranged , in a Downingstreet back parlour , by five more or less distinguished , and more or less astute members of that fraternity which has survived the thimbleriggers of the race-course , and which , for want of a more comprehensive term , we may call the great Redtape-ocracy of Europe . These five gentlemen , starred and decorated , are by courtesy styled the Great Powers : and it is their office to " settle " the affairs of nations as composedly as your attorney re-settles a landed entail , when the heir has turned out a spendthrift . Just in this lastnamed fashion , indeed , has a certain Duke of Augustenberg been disentailed of his claims upon the succession to which a certain Prince CaHKISTIAN , of SoNDEBBTJBa CrLTTOKSBKBO , ifl OS summarily preferred by a few strokes of the diplomatic pen . The Duke of Augustenberg is declared "
attainted , " without any form of trial . He has forfeited all rights and claims by the quasi-revolutionary sympathy he manifested towards the German population of tho Duchies in the recent contest . We are very far from attributing to this attainted duke any real patriotic impulses , for all his Germanizing ardour : nor do wo consider his reduction to a private station in the light of a national loss to Schleswig , or to Holatom . Indeed , ho may think himself lucky , as times go " ,
to have got off with a very handsome consideration for the loss of rights , which there is little reason to believo ho would over have exercised for any but his own aggrandizement . We will oven go so far as to express our belief , that the Gorman population of the duchy may bo happier and bettor governed under the present mild and progressive Danish Liberalism , than under the capricious tyranny of a Frankfort Diet , or the paternal myatioiom of a JFrederick-William
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 15, 1852, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_15051852/page/13/
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