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VOL. II.—No. 73. SATURDAY, AUGUST 16, 18...
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Mtms nf tin 'Bull
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Politically, this year is already regard...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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P. W Ac-Wents '. 771 Selves ~ « The Tli-...
p . Ac-Wents ' . 771 selves ~ « The Tli-demr-ton Society .......... . ^ h ™ ., ™ . w ™ - ' ; : -is ,, ;—•¦ ¦• : .:::::: . . . .:: & S ?^ "" ™ SXJ ? . *» . ° ? JZ ? r .. " . ' : ™ SSK ^ s ^ :: if r S s = ? " »* -- f ^ rron :::: v .:::.::-. - .:::::::: ^ 5 ° ' & r < £ l £ , » »« . ™ ThiwolverharnDton ' iWbour " TrVals 707 Inland and Europe 773 Quakerism 770 Correspondence of the Harmony-hall cSba ^ In " ure " u « n .. ! ..... ..-7 « 7 Competition and the Debt 774 books on our Table 780 Pe . u ™ . " ' ** ri ™? W ? r 7 <> 7 How " Divine Ilight" governs .... 774 Portfolio— The P-uvr of Education .......... 78 o TheStran-erYh "Vhe Stk ' tLs " "' . ' . ' . ' . 7 CS Progress of Assurance 774 Tim Akts- * 1 arrive with a Deceased Wife a Newsoaner Stamps 7 GS The Bloomer Uevolt 775 S » o- > Mni 780 Mater <« P ^ esTofBloomeriVm ..... 770 English Feeling on the Government Sappho 781 Commbkcial Affaius-Persona New * and Gossip ........ 770 1 talian Outrages in Italy 773 Theatres 782 > 1 arkrts , Gazettes . Advertuement , The Bells at Clapham ..... 770 Memorandum . 76 Organization of the Pboi'LE- & c ( Sa-iBS Crimes and Offences .. ! 770 The Corn factors outwitted by them- Patriotism a " Charity' \ 782 _______
Vol. Ii.—No. 73. Saturday, August 16, 18...
VOL . II . —No . 73 . SATURDAY , AUGUST 16 , 1851 . Price 6 d .
Mtms Nf Tin 'Bull
Mtms nf tin ' Bull
Politically, This Year Is Already Regard...
Politically , this year is already regarded as if it were last year ; it has been disappointing , sterjle , worthless ; we are tired of it , hate it , and are glad to get it out of sight . All our interests are now turned upon next year . If there is any value left in the present , it is only as the vestibule to that better period ; we only prize the few remaining months as an opportunity to make preparations . Present events are regarded from the point of view of 1852 .
Socially , indeed , events still happen in this England of ours . There are the average number of births , marriages , and deaths ; the daily papers teem with murders , outrages , crimes , and disasters in more than usual abundance ; Suffolk comes up to the standard , and supplies its murder to the general contribution ; the railways have been overwhelmed with traffic , wherefore constant chaos at railway station , collisions here and there , and hosts of letters in the journals complaining of unpunctuality , disappointments , accidents unreported , bad management , departure of several trains at once , and so forth . The usual commotion has been made
amongst the grouse , and the usual anticipations are made about partridges ; with the periodical notifications from the Moors , and the annual commonplaces . The case of Reddish versus Priestnail , at Stock port , in which a forgetful linendraper is mulcted to the extent of £ 20 for jilting a young lady , we take as an overt sign that affairs of the heart have not been brought to a dead stop by the htagnation of the Whig Ministry ;
the startling incident in High-street , Shorediteh , in which a young lady on an Imposition visit to London is awaked in th « night by finding in her room three Don Jimns , koJfliers from the ranks , and some more shocking occurrences at the police offices , indicating bow often inverte d nature is impelled to break down the in-Ntincts of the parental relation in the most horrible <> t crimes , suggest not only eventfulnesiH enough in hio , but doubts whether our civilization in no
advanced ; ih some of us think it . We have tried to I "' t nature in the stocks , and are rearing up ;\ population , an mi Irishman would Kay , ball «»< 'i vatc . d machines , half hypocrites-, and half de « - Piuuto outlaws . 'he public mind turns its thought to such ungH m this holiday kwihoti , for want of Nome-Uung more stirring to think about . That political action is perfectly dear ] i « proved by the fact that J »« prews has not troubled itself with any " n ? - ronpectH of the session" ; a custom Kcurcdy ever j Ku «« d . That which we ventured to do as a < -t : nce open to our more free and eaHy habit , our ¦ all U v llow " workln «»» have done ahnoHt univcr-¦ lmi " 1 y ei 7 < "" » anized agitation has » unk into a * "ugh of •« open questions . " Mr . Young ' s ProtCoWNTRY ^ r > lOM , ]
tectionism at Tynemoutb , and Lord John s great Reform Bill for next year , are equally impotent to revive the jaded life of politics . If there is any kind of stir at home , is is the uneasy movement of what in the temperal view we may call religious faction ; but even that has waned to a sort of minor agitation . The call for a convocation of the London diocese is natural , and , we think , proper ; but we do not observe that it meets with anything like general support from the popular clergy of the diocese . Archbishop Whately ' s constant advocacy of a metropolitan convocation
of the Church * stands an unanswerable , but an abstract , exercise of reasoning . Until the Church , however , has a Convocation in the most efficient form which its members can devise , it must remain without the power of showing what it can do in these arduous days ; it must undergo the perilous , perhaps the fatal , trials of the warfare to which it is exposed , both within and without , and yet it must be debarred from the strength and wisdom which it might derive from organization and a council of its elders .
It can derive little defence from small triumphs of sectarian power , like that which has just suppressed the conventual bells at Clapham . The sound of these bells was " distracting , " " astounding" to Protestant cars ; evidently more for the doctrinal animus detected in the sound , than for the metal ring . It is in evidence that the same cars were not afflicted by Protestant bells , dinnerbells , or any other ringing but that which has legally been pronounced " a nuisance" by a Protestant jury . Technically , however , the religious question was not in issue .
If the Anti-papal rigour can triumph in England , the Irish Catholics show no disposition to give way before it . The Hishops speak as if they would stand their ground ; ho that the year of the New Reform Hill is likely to see the Liberal Ministers Hell-compelled to take up Orange ground in Ireland ! And what is worst * , there arc signs of the potato blight , both in England and Ireland . If that should appear , Ministers will have enough to do , seeing- arrayed against them binhops and potatoes !
Abroad , ns at home , though for a somewhat diilerent reason , attention is becoming wholly fixed on the preparations for next year . The events of the day are important only in reference to that future . Political geography is massed into large groups . Fiance remaiuw in its anomalous condition , without a national majority , without a determined policy ; a republic , without a Republican Government , and yet without any Anti-Republican party sufficiently confident in its own numbers and influence to declare itself aa such . The tactics of the A nti- Republicans , thus far successful , arc to obtain possession of office in the capital and about the country ; all the Anti-Republican parties have combined more or less closely for that specific purpose . The real Republican * ore a
majority as compared with anyone of the several parties which can never unite , though they do conspire for a time ; the Republicans are a minority only while the factions stand together in conspiracy . But the trial of Gent , and his fellow-prisoners at Lyons , for a plot said to have been discovered la ^ t year , and brought before a court martial this year , is important mainly in betraying the fear of the established anarchists . They are driven to mock their own Republican professions by copying the
very trick of Absolutism , in trying political offences of the past before a military tribunal . The Fusionists talk of setting up the Prince de Joinville as candidate for the Presidencyno doubt because he is a thorough Frenchman in every aspect and feeling-, and in every public act of his li /' e , and calculated , therefore , to enlist national feeling in his favour . The one thing clear , however , is that the combined minorities do not know what the"" themselves intend to do , and that
they view the coming struggle with an increasing dread , as tliey are learning more distinctly the power of the true republicans . The manifesto of the Mountain , published this week—a species of " compte-rendu " of the session —looks backward to condemn , and forward to hope . It is a terrible indictment of the Governmentshame abroad , injustice and illegality at home , a capricious and tyrannical majority bound together by the selfishness of its heterogenous sections , a
Minister convicted of transmitting falsehood by the telegraph , a president coquetting with Imperialism , everywhere republican national guards disarmed , the state of « iegc in five departments , and a state trial at Lyons , carried on under the bayonets of the soldiery preceded by long weary imprisonment of the " suspects . " Finally the attempt to revise the constitution in n , monarchical sense—the suffrage remaining restricted 1 These accusations must bear fruit—these evil acts call tlown retribution in
the course of things . Jiut it is the moral attitude of the Republicans to which we would direct most attention . Everybody says , everybody feels , that 1852 will be ayeur of crisis . Why a crisis , ask the Republicans ? An Assembly which hits violated the constitution , the warrant for its own existence , by disfranchising three millions of voters , and a President , who has aped the Kmperor , will cease almost together . The constitution provides for that contingency . * Then why a crisis ? Unless you , the party of Order , act illegally , manifestly—unless you liave recourse to open , avowed , armed counter-revolution , there will be no need of a crisis . The blow in well aimed .
and tellingly delivered . If the law take its course , why a crisis ? It is of importance , also , to note how distinctly tho manifesto asserts , first , that " the people will not elect Louis Napoleon Honupnrte ; " and secondly , thai " the law of the 3 lst of May will be repealed . " While the minority keep within the limit * of tho constitution , there will Do no ftpi **!
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 16, 1851, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_16081851/page/1/
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