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Aug. 16, 1851.] &!> * &*<*»*?? 773
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Mr. Thomas Harasay delivered a lecture l...
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iioiii , r Ilar(Jlll KC, Honor" Lord IIu...
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Hie l" ' i tnn > ll '" «"i<l, hut* given...
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JB %c ^^axi k i Cjl ^
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-^ SATURDAY, AUGUST 16, 1851.
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puhik %Mxb.
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There is nothing so revolutionary;, beca...
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ENGLAND IN EUROPE. Nobleness of purpose ...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Tho Daily News Of This Morning Linn An N...
demise of Pan . At last the Ministerial revelation was accidentally discovered where nobody dreamed of seeking for it in the columns of that orgaft pf genteel and faded Toryism , the Morning Post , flanked by notices of balls , dinner parties , and projected fashionable marriages , the staple of the print dear to the servants hall . After the first explosion of irresistible laughter , the wags of the Stock Exchange began to speculate and wager about what this might mean . One thing appeared certain that the Government , which at the outset , with ostentatious impartiality , communicated the anticipation to all the morning newspapers , had at last selected a Bpecial organ from among them . The only difficulty was to conjecture whether the terms upon which this alliance had been formed were the conversion of
Ministers to the doctrines of the Post , or the Post to the doctrines of Ministers- ;—whether the Post was to be employed , in its official capacity , to announce and defend a new parliamentary reform bill , or to announce and defend a Whig bill to reenact the corn and navigation laws . Bets of oysters and champagne , without any odds , were freely offered and taken by the holders of either opinion . Sixty to one was offered that the selection of the Post as Government organ in the press foreshadowed an attempt to form a cabinet with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs at the head of it . But the preeminence given in the anticipatory notice to foreign affairs , and the remembrance of a curious consular appointment made some time ago to a great northern capital , seemed to render this view so probable that no one was found to take the bet even at these odds . "
The fact is , that Ministers , before 1841 , supplied their own party organs alone with , important papers and anticipatory announcements . When Sir Robert Peel came into office , he adopted the plan of supplying impartially all the morning , and some of the weekly journals , when papers , like the revenue tables , ¦ were issued at the end of the week . Thus the Whigs found matters when , in 1846 , they happened to come into office ; and they have since rather broken the impartial rule of conduct adopted by Peel . It was , however , reserved as one of the " great facts" of the year 1851 for London to look in vain for the anticipated speech in the Times , and find it in the Post . This gives colour to the suspicions that the Post is a quasi-ministerial organ ; and it shows that the Foreign Office is more faithful to its allies than the other departments .
As to the Speech itself , it is unusally , and indeed intolerably barren and dull . Great licence is permitted , but the Whigs have gone beyond all licence , and outstripped themselves .
Aug. 16, 1851.] &!> * &*<*»*?? 773
Aug . 16 , 1851 . ] &!> * &*<*»*?? 773
Mr. Thomas Harasay Delivered A Lecture L...
Mr . Thomas Harasay delivered a lecture last night in theBlagrove Concert-room , Mortimer-street , on the subject of central cooperative agency amon « - the working-classes in relation to , 'the duties of the Church . The chair was taken by Mr . E . Vansittart Neale . The lecturer commenced by denning the precise meaning of the word " socialism . " 'He then adverted to the principle upon which society is founded , and which is generally designated by the term " social contract . " This contract he
endeavoured to show was not duly observed in modern society ; ^ and in proof of his vie w , he referred to the evils resulting from competition and the unequal distribution of property . The origin of these evils he stated to be the neglect of the Christian motive of love , and the adoption in its place of the principle of self-interest . The object of cooperative societies was to relieve the working-classes from the thraldom of the competitive principle , by organizing a pyBtcm which should secure to all the full
for their labours , and a fair interchange of commodities . The principle of union was that which prevailed amongst the members of the early Christian Church , and at u late period gave rise to " guilds , " or associations for mutual protection and Jisaistance . It was the great principle which was insisted upon in the Christian Scriptures , and was , therefore , necenBurily in harmony with the doctrines of the Christian Church . In conclusion he avowed liia belief that the principle of union was that alone to which we could look as the means of regenerating our social system . Mr . 1 d
'loyJones gave a lew details connected with the socialist movement throughout the country . Ho stated that the working-men were joining together , Hiul opening stores to supply themselves with food iiud clothing , in order to protect themselves from the numerous frauds of dealers . This , however , was but one step towards the full adoption of the cooperative "yntem , l , ut it was u step which was being taken with ( '' » uiu ! nt success by the industrious working-clasHCH l alm , > nt every district of the kingdom . The chair-! ' »»>» having made a few observations , the prooeedlu K « of the evening were wound up by u plentiful H (! lvu ; ii of tea , eofl ' te , and other refreshments .
Iioiii , R Ilar(Jlll Kc, Honor" Lord Iiu...
iioiii , r Ilar ( Jlll KC , Honor" Lord IIurdin |< e , was to bo "ii . Ucd yeM . e . rday for Downpatriok : ami jib there was " 1 'Pomt . ion , he in no doubt returned .
Hie L" ' I Tnn > Ll '" «"I<L, Hut* Given...
Hie l " ' i tnn > ll '" « "i < l , hut * given a solemn promise for » " 4 nv v ' V "" " f KotlHUth u ! ' « * *«*«« ' ( i "y . now »<> t iiiiiiL . ' ¦ "" ¦ lhi' Sultiui ' n own feeluiKu of honour " 'iiu'J , imt j ! vhittly w'Kh "' ' » t »»« «»««' . He had e . ont (> hi , I , ; r < ' ' . llu UlI « »» ' »» ' <> r 't time , »> ut could not eminent "» wi'i > in iiv ¦ Il " «> li » i ( e | y » > ' » order to plciwe Auatriiui over , , 1 ' !•" ' """ ' J' ;« ro I >™» < 7 < 'B lined on him morelr <* 1 Ul ! ! toJ K ° " J 8 ° ¦ iade i > eildt ;» co »> y * " »
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-^ Saturday, August 16, 1851.
- ^ SATURDAY , AUGUST 16 , 1851 .
Puhik %Mxb.
puhik % Mxb .
There Is Nothing So Revolutionary;, Beca...
There is nothing so revolutionary ; , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Da . Arnold .
England In Europe. Nobleness Of Purpose ...
ENGLAND IN EUROPE . Nobleness of purpose is the one safe principle for national , even more than for personal conduct . Principles are in themselves enduring , but the understanding of them depends upon the cultivation of a people ; still more the application of them . And if we admit that peoples are not wise at once , if we admit that their knowledge , like that of individuals , grows with experience and investigation , we admit that institutions ought not to be immortal . But through all the fluctuations of ignorance , and of knowledge , which is the
correlative and complement of ignorance , the one thing which will give the fullest development to the faculties of a people , to its sound interest , to its greatness , to its safety among the nations , is nobleness of purpose . With it a small nation may earn safety ; without it a great nation can never be secure . The want of it has brought down great states in the midst of their magnificence and power . Now , nobleness of purpose is one ihing wanting to England in the council of nations , and we declare that , for want of it , her position is not safe .
We do not mean to deny that there are sections and cliques in the country , each with its " mission" ' or " movement ; " but we affirm that England at present , as a nation , has no purpose ; or , if it has one , latent and half-unconscious , it is not upheld effectively . Even the negative intention that might most probably be ascribed to the nation , to keep aloof from active aid of Absolutism , is systematically violated by the chosen Minister of England . We do not believe that the English nation has the slightest intentiojn or desire to subserve the
projects of Absolutism on the Continent ; and yet England , in her indifferency , in her lack of positive purpose , not only choses a Minister whose successes through a long career have been conducive to the power and progress of Absolutism , obstructive to the cause of freedom , but now suffers him to continue in that career without molestation or hindrance . Or , if occasionally a doubt is expressed through a popular Member of Parlia
ment , Lord Pahnerston i . s quit for a few words of explanation which tell nothing-, or a few sentences of those stereotyped professions which are so surprising for their uniform antagonism to the practical results of his own activity and skill , and for commanding the ready belief of the English ) ublic . lie does not respect that public enough to disguise his cajolery ; and yet the public goes on believing ! It not only trusts him , but trusts him to work in the dark .
What is the position of England in any nation of the Continent , where popular principles are in active contest ? Not an Englishman can Hay . We can only gue 88 . In ( Jermany all is mystification . Except a few unmeaning words , it does not appear that " England" did the slightest thing in favour of the people struggling to emulate her past efforts for popular freedom ; there is nothing to prove that the Minister whom England suffers to represent her , did not keep up the heart of Despotism by a covert understanding , which secured to it the passive alliance of England , and contributed to bring about the restoration of Absolutism . On the contrary , the signs of that covert understanding almost too
are strong for doubt . A great step ban been made iu expunging tho nationality of the totally distinct nations comprised within the Austrian empire ; the nohle people of llesse-Cassel has been crushed and punished by the great ; tyrants who mustered to support the common cause- of tyranny in tho person of the miserable Elector ; the Prussians have been hofooled , and the constitutional Frederick William has given himself up , heart and soul , to the Austro-Russian con spiraey . Hungary , who lms had a history like that of hiifllttiu ] , has political and commercial sympathies with England , Und would have maintained o u the opposite side of Europe , a great outpost o ' f
constitutional freedom—that Hungary has been given over by the crowned conspiracy to Austria , as England might have been to Hanover . Such are the results of the diplomatic movements in which Lord Palmerstpn played his covert partand we now find him " thick" with the Nesselrode and Brunnow , the Schwarzenberg and Buol-Schauenstein ; giving them conferences in London , receiving their policemen , rendering himself a party to their matchmaking . What is the Foreign Secretary now doing with the influence of England in Germany , Austria , and Hungary ?
We will not here complicate the question with secondary states—with Schleswig-Holstein , handed over to alien Denmark , with Greece , kept down in submission to an imbecile cadet of the Bavarian family , and deprived of the Ionian Islands ; with Turkey , just now a natural ally of anti-despotism in Europe . We ask not what the Foreign Secretary is doing in Spain , upon which he seems completely to have turned his back . " The back , " as Alexandre Dumas says , " , with some people , the privilege of beingthe most advantageous part of their individuality ;" and it is to be hoped that Lord Palmerston will not turn upon Spain the light of his countenancethat political Will-o ' -the-wisp which , dancing before the nations , lures them to their doom .
But we ask , not what the Foreign Secretary has done , but what he is doing in Italy?—where he encouraged the revolutionists , and then , just at the nick of time , left them in the lurch , to be overrun by the Absolutist armies ; where Austria , the Pope , and the Bourbon , have been reestablished with his privity and help . Mr . Gladstone has told us how it fares with the Neapolitans , and we know what Gladstone has told , though we could not have told it with his peculiar authority amidst Englishmen . La Presse and the Times confirm us in the
knowledge of the like enormities at Rome ; Radetzky proclaims what is going on in the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom : all the three Governments of Rome , Naples , and Austria , proclaim that , without desperate and cruel measures they cannot make head against the indigenous influence which is growing up against them—the Invisible Government ; which must , therefore , be a powerful , widespread , well-established Italian power : and what is our Minister doing between those contending sides of Alien Absolutism and National Freedom ? what to retrieve the disastrous consequences of his cajolery ? what to vindicate the good faitli of England , her generosity , and the principles essential to her greatness ?
Among the contending factions of France , what distinct , frank , high position has " England " taken ? We know , indeed , that the worst faction which France contains has come over to London , s if to sit under the auspices of our Foreign-office , as the veiled , semi-ofh ' cial , irresponsible councils of the agents of Legitimacy ; that faction is called Thicrs . Hut what position does the Minister of England maintain ? Not a soul of us knows .
Now , we repeat , this supine ignorance on tho part of the English nation is not safe—not safe , even on the low ground taken up by the " practical " politicians of the day . We cannot command the moving world to 'bate all its action down to trading standards , as wo are doing ; larger interests and passions will go on . The great conflict between Absolutism and Freedom , between Family-Royalism and Nationality , did not . end in 1818 ; neither of those great powers has defined its limits ; and it is probable that in 1852 , with its impending struggle ,
one or other influence will make a large extension of its boundaries . In the result England has great interests at stake . She would not like to sec Absolutism extend its boundaries to the British Channel . Even our supine mere-traders , who are proud to be the Jackass in the fable , indifferent , to the contests of arms , would turn pale at that approach . Yet things more unforeseen and improbable have happened . Many a nation would be glad to act as our outpost in the war ; only , with such a Minister as we have , we , the English people , are- debarred from all understanding with tho . se
nations . " Tranquil " as England may be for tho moment , tho empire is not in that perfectly Nettled stuto which should make us over Heeure . TJic Capo <> i ' (« ood llopo is not tho only colony on Hit ; vcrgo of rebellion ; and , philosophically as tlw . Manchester School men may talk about llio pro / it . l «! KHiieH . N of colonies , a run of declarations of independence would bo a very awkward thing to any Government ; for the time being . Even if tlw Culm news should provu to bo apocryphal , Mexico and Brazil , with tho
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 16, 1851, page 9, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_16081851/page/9/
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