On this page
- Departments (1)
- Pictures (1)
-
Text (5)
-
July 19, 1851.] 89* ¦ &**fe*r« 687
-
djtyett Cmtttril. ^
-
—^r [IN THIS DEPARTMENT, AS ALL OPINIONS...
-
There ia no learned man but will confess...
-
ENGLISH AUSTRIANISM. London, July 12, 1S...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
New Law Of Organization. [A Gentleman, A...
every Northerner—Whig , Democratic , Loeofoco , or anything else . I have not found , therefore , many professed Communists ; for every attempt to realize Communism has resulted hitherto in the entire subjection of the individual to society , without always producing even any great ceconomical gain , as is always promised , and seems a necessary result . There have been several attempts at founding Phalansteries—a modification of Fourier's ; and these have met with some measure of success , although even these have been found too restrictive of individual freedom . Yet Fourier professes to recognize completely the idea of subjecting the institution to the individual . Fourier is more known here than any other European Socialist
writer , but Froudhon seems to me more adapted to meet the sympathies of American Socialism . He , in his paradoxical way , proclaims himself an anarchist ; and recently , in England , Herbert Spencer taught substantially the same thing , and tells you that Government is not to be regarded as an institution , to be for ever needful to man . The true idea , as well expounded by Proudhon , is , that Government will gradually die out , that is , Government by physical force—by the universal recognition of the eternal laws of nature . A law may be discovered , but can no more be made by man than can a plant or a planet , or rather a new principle that shall abrogate gravitation .
But I find now that some of our social reformers here claim to have discovered a law , that is , a principle of a most radical and revolutionary nature , capable of solving , not only those difficult social questions , which have hitherto baffled the most ardent pursuit , but the very question of Government , that is , of the extinction of all formal , physical force Government itself . Some time * ago I transmitted to Camden-town a tract , entitled The Tpie Constitution of Government ; or , the Sovereignty of the Individual ; lent me by my Swedenborgian lady friend , which professes to be the first of a
series treating at large of The Science of Society . Here the principle of absolute individualism—or , if Proudhon prefers , we will say anarchy ( ay apxv ) ~~~ * laid down in plain English unconditionally ; but the party profess to have made a grand discovery , viz ., of a principle which will render this absolute abolition of Government possible and practicable forthwith—at once , by such as choose ; while the very publication of the principle will , in the course of its natural growth and extension , gradually dissolve , fragment after fragment , the whole superincumbent mass of Government in every
country . The problem is , to transmute the whole 0 / that antagonism which n * » v sets at war every member of society with every other , into a perfect harmonious cooperation and concurrence of interest , and that without any kind of combination , association , union of interests , or other mixing up of one being ' s affairs with another . This problem is solved ; so , indeed , we are verily assured ; and I should much , indeed , like to see it shown that it is not so ( unless , indeed , the claim be absolutely well founded ) . The greatest of our thinkers here are one after another acknowledging—the problem to be solved : —and if it be so , we must begin to look for some thing !
I think I have at length made myself pretty nearly master of this new principle . One would think that could be no great task , nor was it ; and yet I find that , although the principle is one of the simplest conceivable , the majority of people ei ' . her cannot understand it , or at all events can see nothing in it until after considerable study . Observe that what is wanted is simply this—A principle to regulate the dealings between human beings . For if you admit the principle of absolute freedom—the entire sovereignty of every individual over his own actions—you no longer need nny laws whatever for the regulation of individual conduct ; but only of the transactions between one individual and another . Now , the discovery is just this : first , that this individuality must always be exercised at the cost of the individual exercising it , he being bound to take upon
himself all the consequences ( painful consequences , at least , ) of all his acts ; Hecondly , that in all exchanges of labour , and other dealings between any two individuals , cost ought to be the limit of price ; or , in other words , ¦ whatever burden , or degree of repultuveness , I take upon myself , at your request , for you , just exactly that same burden , or degree of repuhuveness , you ought to take upon yourself , at my request , for me . I can assure you that consequences follow moat rigidly and mathematically from this simple principle , of a vastness and radical importance truly amazing , and which look at first Bight more like the ravings of-a dreamer than the cold conclusions o ( science . But I content myself with stating the principle , only just inviting your earliest attention to a forthcoming volume upon this " cost principle , " which , a Mr . Andrews ( author of the tract abovementioned ) has for some time had in the preea .
l ' or one of these consequences , viz ., the community of property in land and all other nutural wealth , or rather that the price of all natural wealili in zero—the Americans are by no means ill . prepared . The land reformer * , who absolutely reclaim the land for the . people , arc a large and most rapidly growing party . Moreover , ideas grow hero with a rapidity of which you in Europe can form no conception j the whole people here being , at least to some extent , cduoated . And the question of interest of money , which will bo wholly abolUhed by the new principle , has been discussed in a volume universally admitted to be in the highest degree masterly iu a manner calculated to make tolerably long faces in Lomhardatrect ! What will the ChartiHtH say when they find that their proposition for the payment of the nationul debt by the 3 per cent , now paid for interest in going to realise itself , without aid or intervention of any law or legislature whatever ? II . K
At the public meeting to be held , on Monday evening next , at eight o ' clock for half-past , at the Eclectic Institute , No . 18 a , Denmark-street , Soho , the foltowing are the resolutions to be there and then submitted to the meeting : "l . The Census of 1851 having revealed the appalling fact that upwards of 2 , 000 , 000 of our Irish brethren have within the last few years been swept from the land of their birth by famine , pestilence , and exile ; it being also notorious that the surviving remnant is fast diminishing , through the forced emigration of able-bodied adults ejected from their homes and holdings by landlord tyranny , and through the premature decay of the aged , the infirm , and the helpless young thus bereft of their natural supports ; it being moreover an incontrovertible
fact that this frightful decimation of the Irish people does not a rise from natural or necessary causes , but is wholly asc ribable to an iniquitous and inhuman system of class-leg islation and m isgovernment , which excludes the industrious millions from all participation in the laws and institutions of their country , and invests their oppressors , the owners of land and money , with absolute power to plunder , enslave , and exterminate them at pleasure . This meeting cannot contemplate such a state of things without horror and indignation . We denounce it a 3 impiety against God , as an outrage upon humanity , as treason towards the Irish people . We denounce it , moreover , as an organized system of slavery and death , which , if suffered to go on unchecked in Ireland , will
extend itself to England and Scotland , and at no distant day involve the empire in ruin . 2 . That in the opinion of this meeting , the only efficacious cure for the enormous evils described in the foregoing resolution , is self-government for Ireland through local legislation ; in other words , a Parliament of her own free choice , elected by universal suffrage to legislate within her own territory for her own internal affairs . Such Parliament not to meddle with Imperial concerns or questions affecting the empire at large ; but to be independent , sovereign , and absolute in respect of all matters purely Irish , or affecting Ireland only . An Irish Parliament elected in the manner and legislating within the limits here described would , in our opinion ,
suffice to insure Ireland ' s real independence and internal prosperity , without endangering British connection , a peril which could only occur in the event of . the two countries clashing upon an Imperial question . At the same time it would be but just to Ireland that she should still have a concurrent voice ( through delegation ) with Great Britain in the settlement of all Imperial questions , as long as she constitutes an integral part of the empire . To these views this meeting pledges itself , and to all parties honourably embarked in the same cause , we hereby tender the right hand of fellowship and cooperation . 3 . That believing justice will never be done to Ireland until the oppressed classes in Great Britain
( who alone sympathise with her ) shall be emancipated from class Icgisjation , this meeting hereby invites all honest and intelligent Irishmen to unite with their English and Scotch brethren in the struggle for a Radical Retorm of the Imperial Parliament , as the best and speediest means of insuring justice to their own country as well as ours . To this end let our motto be— ' United , we stand ; Divided , we fall . '" Several of the Irish members of Parliament have given their approval of these resolutions , and have promised their assistance . The Chartist Executive and all friends of freedom , are also respectfully invited to attend the meeting . By order of the Coancil of the National Iteforrh . League . — P . W . M'Nbal , Secretary .
The PiMi / ico WoniciNG Builders . — Although scarcely a year in active existence , this society has already succeeded in raising a large block of houses in Upper Tachbrook-street , and are preparing for more in the lane and adjoining street ( St . Leonard-street ) , and have also stocked and opened a spacious wharf on the Grosvenor canal ( Bridge-row Wharf ) , and are now in a condition to undertake and execute building to any extent , or supoly building materials in any quantity , the association already gives employment to upwards of forty persons ,
and possesses trade stock to the value of more than £ 2000 , in addition to which a cooperative store has been established on their premises , St . Leonard-street , Upper Tachbrook-Btreet , and does an extensive business . An addition in the shape of a general coal depot is also formed at Bridge-row Wharf . Orders have already been remitted to the extent of forty tons , and which will doubtlessly be greatly increased by the coal clubs in course of formation amongst the numerous trades , democratic , social , and other working-men ' s societies with which the metropolis abounds . —E . S .
Loud Biiouqham ' s Chauactbr op Mr . Owen . —In the House of Lords , on July 3 , Lord Brougham presented a petition from Mr . It . Owen , on whom he delivered an elaborate eulogy as a gentleman of great excellence and undeniable eminence in philanthropic pursuits . Hc | had spent a large fortune in those pursuits ; und , though 011 many points he entertained opinions with which neither their lordships nor he himself could agree , still it was undeniable that he had conferred great benefit on the country by the institution of infant schools , of which he was the author and inventor . Now , Mr . Robert Owen claimed , he would not say the right , but the favour of being allowed to explain before a select committee of their lordships , hia views for the amelioration and improvement of society , and for the better support , if not the extinction , of poverty among ub .
Ukdkmi'tion Sociktv . —The fourteen days of Propagandisrn commenced in Leeds on Sunday last , the 13 th instant . The meetings were large , and the audience listened with great attention and , we may say , will * enthusiasm . We believe that much good was done . We know of people who had strong objection * , or rather prejudices , ugainst our ideas , who experienced a change at th « se meetings . New members are being added to the society from the effects of the meetings . Moneys re-?? « J ~~ £ " £ l 18 a - 8 d "' H > « P er JBridley , 14 » . Od . j Coventry , per Mr . Shufflebotham , £ 1 10 » .
Communal Building Fund : —Leeds , £ I 10 s . 6 d . ; Hyde , per J . Badley , 10 s . 8 d . ; Coventry , per Mr . Shufflebotham , 5 s . 6 d . ; Bothwell , Northamptonshire , per J . Bull , Is . 6 d . We hope the branches will not fail to collect the levy for the Communal Building Fund . Dr . Lees has returned from the Potteries , where he has formed three branches , and has brought the following funds : —Shelton , Mr . Beates , 2 a . 6 d . ; Building Fund , 2 s . 6 d . ; Candidus , 12 s . ; Propagandist Fund , lls . 6 d . ; Rules and tracts . 3 s . 6 d . total , £ 1 9 s . 6 d .
July 19, 1851.] 89* ¦ &**Fe*R« 687
July 19 , 1851 . ] 89 * ¦ &** fe * r « 687
Djtyett Cmtttril. ^
djtyett Cmtttril . ^
Pc01906
—^R [In This Department, As All Opinions...
—^ r [ IN THIS DEPARTMENT , AS ALL OPINIONS , HOWEVER KXTBBHK , ARE ALLOWED AN EXPRESSION , THE EDITOR NECESSARILY HOLDS HIMSELF RESPONSIBLE FOR NONE . ]
There Ia No Learned Man But Will Confess...
There ia no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and hxa judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to read , why should it not , at least , be tolerable for his adversary to write . —Milton .
English Austrianism. London, July 12, 1s...
ENGLISH AUSTRIANISM . London , July 12 , 1 S 51 . Sib , —An exile in this Babel who once took an active part in political and social progress , but for the present , by the force of circumstances , am only an observer of current events and current speculations , I read with deep interest the daily record of those events and speculations , and nowhere with more interest than in the Leader , as I believe it to be inspired with a higher purpose and a more advanced philosophy . In my reading there is nothing I meet with more frequently , nor more moves my visible feelings , than the quiet John Bullism which , in every journal published , lays it down as an axiom , that it is England which is to set the world right . From this absurd egotism the Leader is no more free than its contemporaries . If you are in incredulous astonishment at the charge , I simply ask of you to read over again your editorial article headed " Abd-el-Kader ,
Koseuth , and JBakoonin . " Take such a passage as the following—an Irishman reads it with a sort of sorrowing amusement : —" Jn default of France , England might do the good work , —not only on behalf of Abd-el-Kader , but Of many others . Were England to proclaim her sympathy and succour for all wronged and helpless captives , suffering for freedom and humanity , " & c . & c .
Ay , wore she ! AVhy the world would , in return , but proclaim her to be a hypocrite and a make-believe ; Austria would whisper in her ears the namoB of Mitchell and Meagher , of O'Brien and M'Manus , as Spain did that ot" their country , when England prated to her ot good government . Of all governmental shams , that of England has been the mont successful . Every despotism expatiates on the blessings of law , and order , and constitutional liberty ; but none with more quiet complacency and assurance than that of England—an assurance which has enrried conviction to the minds of at least the majority of Englishmen . Yet never in the history of human oppressions was there one more fatal in its results than that which doomed to famine nnd its attendants
above a million of the Irish people , and to banishment above a million more . Against this monster power those men arose ; and amongst the host of noble spirits which the European movements of 1848 called forth , there wi » h not u band more elevated in sentiment , nor more gifted in intellect than the Irish constituent . Yet cannot the journals which devote columns to tlie wrongs of the patriots of other lands , on whose fate their words can have little if any influence , spare a sentence to those handed over to the tender mercies of the hirelings of their own Government ?
I his may uound harshly , but it is truth ; and if writers hope to do any good , they must deal with thingB as they are . Instead of talking of English sympathy for freedom and Immunity as uh actuality ,, it were bettor to endeavour t « create it . It in tut great u delusion to appeal to the existence of such u feeling , as to that of an English People : there i » neither the one nor tho other . There is a conglomeration of human beings living in Kngliiiul — a confused Babel of conflicting humanity : there is no English People . That , too , has yet to be creuted ; and it will go hard with political ooconomibt « , peace professors , und Manchester philosophers , if it ever . should bo created . I am , Sir . youra respectfully , Isaac S . Vabiah .
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), July 19, 1851, page 19, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_19071851/page/19/
-