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276 THE LEADER. CSatpbday,
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POLITICAL LETTERS. IV. The False Peace.—...
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: EUBOPE_ IIT AMEEICA. _ Europeans have ...
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XO17IS BONAPABTE DE8CBIBED BY BHAX.BPBAB...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Protection In The Gazette. Pbotecttox Is...
Before he entered office , Mr . Henley declared that the Protectionists could not ask for a reversal of the decision , because there were no new facts ; but there are new facts . Although still miserablypoor , the agricultural labourers are better off than they have been for centuries . That is a -great fact _ a gigantic fact . And why ? Because Protection sought to benefit industry by limiting production—by limiting production especially in the chief necessary of life ; and through the abolition of that restraint , the eating population , especially the poor , is better off . As Lord Palmerston says , you cannot reverse the policy
which gives the poor more to eat , without setting poor against rich . The farmers , too , in the more intelligent counties , Kent , for instance , are becoming so far reconciled to Free-trade , " that they do not desire to have back Protection ; though , in the duller counties , such as Shakespeare ' s Worcestershire , they still hanker after last year ' s moon . Condemned by the majority of the electoral body , hated by the towns , supported with diminished and dividing numbers even by its friends , officially declined by its leaders , who entered office as the representatives of the policy , Protection is destroyed for ever .
Still , its object was just , and will not be abandoned by the farmers or agriculturists of any class . The farmers say that now they have not justice ; which is true . Tithes are an injustice , from which the towns escape . The charge of the poor , rated on the rental , is heavier on the farmer , who turns his capital once in the revolving year , if he does that , than upon the manufacturer , who can turn his capital several times . That the labourer is far from being well off , although better off than he has been , is proved by the steady desire to emigrate , repelled only by the steady obstructiveness of the Colonial
department . Thus conditioned , the agriculturists will hear with astonishment and disgust , the confession—nay , not the confession , but the absolute assertion of the new Chancellor of the Exchequer , that " The people are in a state of contentment and prosperity . " No , no ; the people have discovered that Protection which limited production was not the thing to exalt their condition ; but they are not yet prosperous , and they are far from contented . And we warn them that they will not radically
or thoroughly improve their condition while freetrade remains the final law . They are alreadj beginning to find that out . While industry is left , without concert or guidance , to carry on division of employments by the rule of haphazard , or the really misleading law of " supply and demand , " the trade in articles of vital necessity , as compared with the trade in luxuries , will
always be less efficient than it should be for the welfare of the country at large , less profitable for those who carry it on . We have now finally bade farewell to the delusion of Protection : henceforward we shall have to deal with mere Free-trade singly ; and we shall the more rapidly learn to understand its total unfitness to be the one law of an industrial community like that of England . Farmers and labourers must begin to cast about for the new and true Protection which
lies beyond Free-trade . To that end we applaud the suggestion of an accomplished correspondent , that the Protectionists should henceforth become out and out Free traders . Yes , let us have real freedom of industry — freedom of labour to associate its labour , to associate its capital—freedom of industry in all its relations . A thorough experiment jn absolute freedom would soon teach even the most bigoted Free-trader to appreciate the peace and plenty that await Concert alono .
276 The Leader. Csatpbday,
276 THE LEADER . CSatpbday ,
Political Letters. Iv. The False Peace.—...
POLITICAL LETTERS . IV . The False Peace . —IIeply to A . L . Mivroh 17 , 1852 . My dear . A . L .,-7-I desire to answer you directly , and I will do so briefly . " Peace , " as you say * " has her victorios , as well as War , " but the victories of Poaco arc not
those which satisfy tho instinct that impels to war ; and there ifl a kind of shifting of the ground in a shifting of tho phrase , when wo are culled on to accept tho victories of poaco as a valid substitute . Tho instinct which craves tho victory over physical danger , is not satisfied with a controversial victory ; and while you stunt the faculties to which the instinct refers , you shun two dangers of a eorious kind .
You divert natural instincts , or suppress them . But this never can be done , I believe , except to the injury of the entire man . I will confess that I have no belief in " the perfectibility of the human species , " though I have in the progressive development of circumstancesmaterial , moral , and artistic—which would enable ^ our species to develop © its natural type to the fullest proportions , including the development of all its faculties . It may be that a higher development is possible ; but , within the scope of history , I see no evidence of it . On the
contrary , I see many risings of humanity , many fallings , far below the type . But let me leave general ideas , for very plain practical idca 3 . We all know that , in daily life , virtue is exposed to various temptations , detrimental to health of mind or body . I do not now speak of a straitlaced virtue , which I believe to be in itself abominable , and prone to vice . When you tell me that members of the Peace movement set themselves against vice , while I respect their zeal , I fear that they mean something different
from that which I abhor . I know that , m time of active war , vices , ugly enough in themselves , put on a form of shameless violence , most hideous . On the other hand , we are told that " idleness is the root of all evil ; " but the exciting occupations of civilized life prove that the evil may not lie in idleness . I stand by the ^ evidences of physiologists , that the true corrective to excesses of mere instincts and appetites , the discipline which keeps the animal functions in the healthiest balance , is muscular exertion , pushed to the degree of bodily fatigue ; and I know that the fatigue is healthiest when it is varied , and
incited by a real interest . An exercise for duty is a poor affair , compared to the exercise of sports , of hunting , of bodily contest , The exercise should have a real object—such as interests the instinctive faculties , without which it will be listless , mechanical , and will not give the same tone to the muscles . A fine , vigorous man may be " free" in his life ; but , save in some monstrously exceptional state of society , he cannot be unmanly in his errors . Now this physical training is denied to the bulk of society in our country , and in our day ; and as a consequence to be expected , vice has become less flagrant , but not less gross , fantastical , tame , sickly . Life , not fully exercised , feeds upon itself , and peace proves as fatal as war .
So much for the use of warlike pursuits as exercises . But they have a further use , rather obvious in these days . You cite against me the example of the Continent : I have rather the right to cite it against you . The peoples have consented to waive their right of arms , and to permit the establishment of an armed class , separated from . the body of the people ; hence the people are easily enslaved . If the patriot , the virtuous man , the man who knows right from wrong , does not retain on his side the science of fighting , ijtso facto he p laces all that he holds good and sacred , with himself , at the mercy _ of tho barbarian . France has won her liberties ,
tardily , with many a backsliding , but still moving forward in tho main ; she has won these victories by the pen , but also by the sword . She loses them when her patriots cannot fight so well as her slaves . The possession of the sword does determine tho settlement of internal as well as external questions . An armed people is tho arbiter of its own freedom , equally against the external foe and tho internal traitor . It does not follow that the people is necessarily turbulent . I am not ,
however , overfond of statements in the subjunctive mood . You may show me , I admit , instances of a people corrupted and subdued , although armed—possibly because they had lost a sufficiency of chivalrous virtue : but to make out your case , you must show mo a people that had retained its freedom , its material welfare , and . its greatness , after it had ceased to boar arms . I know that England is now undergoing I * 4 _ M * _ A _ 1 A . I _ _ __ _ 1 —^ ^^ <*^ mm m ^ Lt afe ^ M r ^ ^^ ^ M >^ ta 4 a «^ ot that kind hazardous
^ — an experiment —a very experiment ; but I . tho , nk God for tho belief , that at tho first aspect of real danger , yielding to the glorious old impulse , England will throw up tho experiment . You assume that right and forco must bo opposed to ono another . I need not point out to you how tliat begs tho question . I would ask you to find any other definition of " right , " fin tho sense of " jus , " not of justice ] than the union of conviction with power j I would ask you , to
cite the instance of any people , great aM activelv benefacentto inankind , which was not at thi period of its greatness , also a warlike , ' if not a conquering people ; and I would askyou , if con victaon should not seek to wed itself , even for its own fulfilment , with power P In handling the metaphysics of this subject you speak , in defiance of all known truth as if pain and death were worse evils than an ' ener vated luxury , than the sufferings which peace tolerates , or the endurance of bondage . You speak as if the nse of the sword must be cruel unbrotherlinhuman the
y , * Has sword never vindicated humanity ? The arbitrament of the sword , indeed , has one quality invaluable in all stages before we arrive at final truth ? it leaves conviction untouched , and settles only the other half of right , which is might ; and thus , when the adherents of two opinions are conflicting , it determines which shall rule , without bondage ' to the conquered opinion . If victory induce tyranny , it is because the faith of war is at a low standard , ' and chivalry has degenerated to mere soldiering —the trait of a rude or of an unwariike people If the adherents of the conquered opinion desire
to recover the victory , they must train themselves , and recruit their forces , until they can add might to conviction * You may complain until the" millennium , of that stern necessity ; but it exists . I do not think that it is wise , or safe , or just to sacred interests , when we act asifive had already attained the millennium , or got within , sight of it ; and I derive consolation from finding that whenever any number of my countrymen collected together are reminded of the duty of being prepared to defend the liberties of themselves and of their country ; the truth of the appeal is attested by the ringing response . * Ever your sincere friendr Thobnton Hunt .
Political Letters. Iv. The False Peace.—...
• I must qualify this : since I wrotoit , I ha wjjjjjj ^ assomblv of my countrymen ( shrink from na ^ the subject !
: Eubope_ Iit Ameeica. _ Europeans Have ...
: EUBOPE _ IIT AMEEICA . _ Europeans have borne the flag of victory onjhe plain of America . A French flag had already been upheld in the Eio de la Plata : the Schleswig Holsteiners have led the armies of the Banda Oriental against the conquered Eosas . Cortez and Wolfe foug ht before Washington and Jefferson had proclaimed the policy of keeping America American , and abstaining from Europe ; but it is impossible to maintain that policy , and tho Holsteiners are but pioneers . Cuba will perhaps witness the next display of European valour—will it alsp be , of European victory P The Schleswig Holsteiners lent spirit to a liberating army : how completely might an American legion in Europe supply the converse of that example . It is a question of time—who shall begin first in good earnest , Europe in America , or America in Europe .
Xo17is Bonapabte De8cbibed By Bhax.Bpbab...
XO 17 IS BONAPABTE DE 8 CBIBED BY BHAX . BPBABB . Hbnby IV ., Part I . Act iv .. Scene 1 . " And when he was not six-and-twenty strong , Sick in the world ' s regard , wretched and low , A poor unmindod Outlaw , sneaking home : .... Wo gave him welcome to tho shore ; And when wo heard him swear , and vow to God , Ho came to be ( of service to the State ) , To sue his livery , and beg his peace , With tears of innocence , and terms of zeal : ( We ) in kind heart , and pity moved , Swore him assistance , and perform'd it , too ; Met him in boroughs , cities , villages , Laid gifts before him .., •••• following him , Even at tho heels , in golden multitudes . Ho presently , as greatness knows itself , Steps me a little higher than his vow , Mado .... while his blood was poor ; And now , forsooth , takes on him to roform Some certain Edicts , and some strait Decrooa , That lay too heavy on tho Commonwealth ; Crioa-out upon abuses , sooms to weep Over , tho countr £ s wrongs ; and , by thifl foe " , This seeming brow of justice , did ho v in Tho hearts of all that ho did anglo for : Broke oath on oath , committed wrong on v / vony , And , in conclusion , drove us to seek out This head of safety ; and withal to pry Into his Title , too , tho which wo find Too indirect for long continuance . " | i i
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 20, 1852, page 16, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_20031852/page/16/
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