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No. 26. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1850. Pr...
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Reaction appears on the face of present ...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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' "The one Idea which History exhibits as evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea or Humanity—the noble endeavour to throw down all the barriers erected between men by prejudice and one-sided views ; and by setting aside the distinctions of Religion , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race as one brotherhood , having one great object—the free development of our spiritual nature . "—Hojiboldt ' s Cosmos .
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Nib's of the Week- Page Dnncastor Races 605 What Can be Done with a Freehold 612 Modern Stone Dolls 615 The Queen in the Highlands &> 2 A Gang of French Bobbers 605 California and Birmingham 612 Literature—Jenny Lind at New York 603 Destructive Fire in Mark-lane .... 60 G Social Reform — IX . — Trade : Its Prize Essay on the "Working Classes 61 G Hesse-Cassel ( 503 Fatal Railway Accident 60 f » Brracb . es of Promise 612 Allston ' s Literary Remains 617 Haynau Running Home 603 Explosion in Spitalfields 600 Oprn Council— Langford on Scepticism 618 Execution of Professor Webster .... 603 Miscellaneous 600 Miss Martincau ' s Experiment 613 The Lancashire School Association 6 It » The Freehold Land-Movement 603 Associative Proorkss— Copy of a Letter on " The Lytteltori Notes and Extracts 619 Two Acres of Land 604 Letter to Robert Dale Owen 608 Times" 613 Portfolio—The War between Denmark and Fuulic Affairs— SabbathBreakingby Sabbath Forcing 613 Stanzas 620 Schleswig-Holstein 604 To your Tents , O Israel ! 610 Robert Owen ' s First Principle .... 613 Confessions of a Timid Lover 620 Prussia and Austria 604 The Savings of the Working Classes 611 The Same 614 Song 621 The Synod of Thurles 605 OHicial Salaries . —The Law of Pri- The Same 614 Commercial Affairs—The Submarine Telegraph 605 mogeniture 611 True Reform 615 Market 3 , Gazettes , & c 622-21
No. 26. Saturday, September 21, 1850. Pr...
No . 26 . SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 21 , 1850 . Price 6 d .
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Reaction Appears On The Face Of Present ...
Reaction appears on the face of present events , not against popular movement but against royal and quasi-royal projects . The attempt of the Elector of Hesse Cassel and his Minister proves to be a failure of that total kind which the Italians call a " fiasco . " The elector is obliged to abandon his capital ; Hassenpflug , endeavouring to escape , is seized on a charge of forgery , and will be brought
back for trial . This is burlesquing political failure . The King of Prussia is coquetting with his capital , where he is about to make a temporary and , perhaps , a tentative residence . His comfort there , of course , will depend upon his conduct in distant fields ; for at present Prussia itself offers no good test of political sincerity . In the Duchies the Holstein troops have been teasing the Danes , with a view to provoke them into general battle ; but in vain . The Danes satisfy themselves with repelling assaults , content to hold what they have , in the hope , no doubt , of exhausting the patience and resources
of the German party . It is now understood that the King of Denmark will receive no aid from without ; a fact of considerable importance , as it implies that the conspiracy for that end begun in London has been defeated , if not by the Liberal party in Germany at least by the force of Prussian interests . Events generally are tending to force Russia into association , with liberal and popular interests ; and in the present complicated state of affairs , where no very distinct and hopeful movement is going forward , this tendency must be regarded as one of the best symptoms .
lhe naive declaration of M . Poujolais , that the King of the French will not accept a throne on the suffrage of the French people , may be set off against the declaration of the Councils General . These municipal bodies have recently attracted much attention , from the increase of political activity | among them ; and , as it was known that several would make some kind of declaration on the
subject of the Constitution , their decision was expected with anxiety . The expression of opinion , however , has not been sufficiently consentaneous or marked for any general conclusion to be drawn : several of the Councils have come to no decision j and the decision of others varies indefinitely . The one prevailing fact is , that most of them have shown both
the capacity and the will to grapple with political questions of the clay ; and in any future crisis , they are likely , so far as the richer and middle classes are concerned , to take an active part . Such an introduction of the municipal element into the political action of France will be a great improvement ; one imparting a more truly republican character to the conduct of aifaira than France has yet evinced in the most dcmoeratir » of her crises . It
will bring the impulsive politicians of France to business ; and the Councils General may thua be [ Country Edition . ]
the schools , not only for their own class , but by example for the great body of the People . The Pope is endeavouring to exert a political intervention in Ireland , which is , to say the least of it , most impolitic . He has finally instructed the Prelates of that country to resist the influence of the Queen ' s Colleges ; to prevent members of the Roman Catholic Church from accepting office or any visitorial share in the management of those colleges ; and even to keep back the Roman Catholic youth from entering as pupils . He has also , it would
seem , or , at least , the Sacred Congregation has , in his name , committed him to the project of establishing a Roman Catholic university in Ireland , as a rival of the Queen ' s Colleges and the contemplated Government university . It must , of course , be very doubtful whether the comparatively poor community of Roman Catholics , either in Italy or in Ireland—especially when we consider the political disturbance in Italy and the territorial disturbance in Ireland , —would be able to find the resources for an establishment of any so important
institution . The project , therefore , instead of reinforcing the obstruction of the synod at Thurles , really sets up an outpost which becomes a mere point of weakness . Taken conjointly , the prohibition and the project convey to the Irish Roman Catholics an order and a promise : it is not risking much in the way of reputation for prophecy if we predict , that the promise will not be fulfilled ; and is it not probable that the non-fulfilment of the promise will supply to the Irish mind an excuse for
not obeying the order , at least very literally ? The more so , since the advantages offered by the actually instituted Government colleges must to the worldly eye immensely preponderate over the spiritual and negative advantages claimed for the imaginary Papal university . That is , if the Government and its agents manage well ; for much will depend on a due admixture of tact and courage in dealing with the recusants ; qualities , perhaps , which the Government has not hitherto shown in a
very marked way , either at Belfast or Cork . The Thurles demonstration is a passing incident of the day : in the multiplying movements to obtain for the people a more extended possession of the land , we see , not a passing incident , but the germ of a great social change . In his half royal visit to the North , Lord Clarendon has been holding forth , in the most rose-coloured fashion , on the prospects of Irish regeneration , through the influences of his own lectures , the consequences of the famine , and the industrial instincts of the Black
North . He preferred to expatiate on commonplaces of this kind , rather than to receive a deputation on the subject of tenant-right . That was too much of a knotty point for a travelling Viceroy , and he shirked the question by declining to grant any personal interview . He exhorted the Irish to grow flax , and turn the foreign intruder from Russia out of the market ; for this is good ** free trade" doctrine : but he will not discuss the
tenure of the land on which the flax is to be grown . The Irish movement in the direction of land , however , differs from the repeal movement , not only in being newer , nor even in being based upon a far more substantial ground , but also in receiving very considerable aid from the parallel movement which is going on in England . And the English movement , which has its signs in many parts of
the country and of society , has an extension far beyond those overt symptoms . Our working politicians may depend upon it that the English farmers are only waiting for some more critical agitation to urge upon the landlords the demand for a thorough revision of their relations . " We found the Times > on Monday week , in a paper on the harvest , declaring that the relation of employer and labourer on the land must also be revised . And when the farmers see town
associations , like the Freehold Land Societies , who have this week taken possession of new estates at East Moulsey and Uxbridge , and that of the Redemption Society at Leeds , evincing an enlightened faith in the fitness of land as the basis of a great social movement , most certainly even "the agricultural mind" will catch at the lesson . These separate parts of the one great question will then suddenly unite into a great whole ; as the separate pools in a valley suddenly flooded are converted into a broad and irresistible stream . In such dav it will cease
to be the tenant-right of Ireland , the small holdings of the Freehold Association , or the leaseholding of the farmers , that will give the animus to the public movement ; the cry will be " The Land ! " the right of the cultivator and the labourer of the soil to have a share in its possession and an ample share of its returns . Meanwhile these separate minor efforts are training the public mind for that eventful day .
It is remarkable to see this week politicians of the old school taking their stand on the same basis with the father of Socialism , Robert Owen , whose letter to his son we publish in another page . The letter attests the indefatigable energy of the venerable Owen ; but the manner in which many
of the positions that were most startling , even to advanced minds , a few years back , now fall in with the current discussion of the day , is very striking . It will be seen that , after admitting his princip le of the formation of character—which is , indeed , a contested point among the different sects of Socialists—he would begin his measures by making " the land of the world public property , like air , light , and water , for the regulated use of all during their livss . " The veteran Socialists and the newest class of ordinary Reformers are thus fastening upon the same material idea .
Crime gives place this week in our records to a prcponderancy of accidental disaster . The terrible explosion of fireworks in Spitalfields is one of those accidents that make men exclaim against the permission to engage in useless and hazardous trades ;
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 21, 1850, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_21091850/page/1/
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