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KOSSUTH AND SOCIALISM. The fact that we ...
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PROGRESS OP ASSURANCE. INDUSTRIAL LIFE A...
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Age next Birthday. £20. £30. £40 ~~ f>u\...
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Thus, for the trifling sum of lOd. per m...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Republican Minority In The French As...
to dispose of France to one or other of the Pretenders . . Have not even the more " liberal" guides ot public opinion in this country treated the existing form of Government in France as a mere revolutionary accident , a passive and provisional fact , a convenient interim of repose , a corpus vile on which the Royal Absentees might experimentalize at pleasure ? Perhaps M . L . N . Bonaparte might be the housewarmer for one or other of the more or less legitimate families ; or Changarnier ( our invader forsooth !) a military dictator en attendant . What has become of all these schemes , and plots , and arrangements ? Louis Napoleon is divorced irretrievably from the Reaction ; but he is is not
not adopted by the Republic . Me xorgrven by the People . Their experience is complete . In rejecting the proposition of the Questors , the Republican minority have , we think , acted with a wise and patriotic discretion . They have nothing to fear from the popularity of the President , put all from the usurpation of the Royalist majority . The constitution , supreme law of laws , protects each of the two powers of the state within its proper limits ; and to either the morrow of a coup d ' etat would be annihilation . We agree with
La Presse that M . L . N . Bonaparte , far from being a danger henceforth , is " a guarantee to the Minority , because he is a complication to the Majority . " His own career of unaccomplished perjury is a lesson to the People which , when May arrives , they will know how to improve . For the next year belongs neither to Burgraves , nor to Pretenders , but to the Nation .
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Kossuth And Socialism. The Fact That We ...
KOSSUTH AND SOCIALISM . The fact that we have been cited as claiming Kossuth for the Socialist ranks obliges us to deal sooner than we had intended * with his disclaimer of Socialism . We see by our contemporary the Examiner that we were represented as making that claim by some gentleman who spoke at Huddersfield . Now Kossuth ' s disclaimer was the first form , in which we ascertained his opinions on the subject at
all . We saw in it nothing but the endeavour of a politician who is sometimes over-inclined to shape himself to the humour of his company , and we attached no great importance to it , because the general extension of liberty which his labours are so rapidly promoting , would be more favourable to a popular truth than an obiter dictum uttered without reasons , and with some indication that he did not understand the subject .
Such we believe to be the fact . We incline to imagine , from the terms in which he has spoken occasionally , that Kossuth lias " crammed" on the subject , by scampering through some of the the French writers on Socialism . The readiness with which he catches up one or two of the blundering commonplaces levelled at the doctrine , proves liovv little be has penetrated to the substance of it . lie speaks of it as " tending to abolish some one of the elements o { social life , " and " ¦ to violate the sacred rites of human individuality "; the slavery which now oppresses individuality being Ibc very evil which Socialists desire to abolish One reason for his disclaimer is very remarkable . Hungary , he saya , ' * has nothing to do" with that doctrine so debated in Manchester , and so disliked
by Home of the gentlemen who first got round the Hungarian on liifl arrival in this country . Hungary hus nothing to do with that doctrine , " because she does not want it , " since the majority of her sons are already in possession of land , and the rest will be ho when be recovers bis Government . In other words , Hungary needs not meddle with the doctrine , because the people of Hungary have , or may Lave , the substance . Let the substance be equally given to the people of England , and they will aa little trouble their heads about the doctrine .
He objects to Socialism , because be says be cannot de / ine its principle as be can define liberty . All nations , be says , can unite in the defence of liberty , which be can define , and he , does give a capital definition . Liberty , he saya , is the faculty to do that which yoti conserve to yourself when you grant the Maine faculty to all other men . Hut this definition of liberty bus not been current until it
wan minted in the active bruin of Kossuth ; ; uid ] n the application of liberty , in the systems for developing liberty , republican , constitutional , democratic , oligarchical , be would find as many varieties aH he has done in the systems of Socialists . The principle of fSocialium is not lews rumple and distinct than thut of liberty . It may be thus stated , as we have often stated it already . Adam Smith pointed out the great coconomy of productive industry from what
should be devised and prosecute . is the principle of Socialism—concert in the division of employments ; a principle already acted upon by numbers / who are as surprised to hear that they are Socialists as M . Jourdam was to hear that he had been talking prose . Now Kossuth ' s influence , gigantic as it is , cannot shake the force of that principle , sound in itself and daily better understood . On the contrary the enormous extension of popular liberty which must follow his efforts , will contr ibute , as the revolution of 1848 did , to clear the field for the extension also of that peace-making , wealthmaking idea .
d in concertThat he called division of labour . Edward Gibbon Wakefield has pointed out that , in order to such ceconomical division of employm ents , it is necessary to have a combination of labour . To this revision of the original statement we have added a third term . In order to obtain the full ( Economy of productive industry it is necessary that , . labour should be combined in order to the division of employment * , and that the division of employments -
Progress Op Assurance. Industrial Life A...
PROGRESS OP ASSURANCE . INDUSTRIAL LIFE ASSURANCE THE DESTRUCTION OF PAUPERISM . The average deaths in England in one year from diseases of the respiratory organs are 91 , 000 ; from diseases of the nervous system , 50 , 000 ; of the digestive organs , 21 , 000 ) sudden death , 3000 ; violent death , 11 , 400 ; old age , 35 , 500 . The latter is seen to be the lot of comparatively few . If many fall in the morning , more die as they wane from the meridian of life . Notwithstanding this uncertain and early mortality , men pass their days in continual exertion for that which they might readily and surely provide . They do not , like the gambler , " make up their book" that they may " hedge " and render themselves safe . They set their whole hopes on the hazard of a die . If they live long , they may , indeed , hope to bring their vessel home laden with store ; but with no certain tenure of existence from one day to another , men act with life and death as they would not act in any simple and every-day mercantile transaction .
Assurance provides that with certainty , which trade and speculation may attain . But more than this , it secures the end at once . A man cannot quarrel with length of days , and it is only the long liver that has any valid ground of complaint against the Assurance Company . Had he been able to purchase this length of existence , be would gladly have paid a hundred times the money for such an investment . Those who are interested in the promulgation of the system of Life Assurance , have been trying every means to induce the public to adopt it . Each Association attains a considerable success . The principle must , therefore , have been lately much extended . They now appear desirous of going from the centre to the circumference .
The aristocracy and the more reflective of the middle classes are those who have been hitherto benefited by Life Assurance . The Industrial Community is now appealed to . There is a great here . Benefit and Friendly Societies are in condition throughout the country . Themanage of very many has been entrusted to men unwt of the confidence reposed in them . Many of I which have been conscientiously conducted , aj to have been established on false data . The j tice docs not coincide with the theory . In all ] of the country , either by misapprehension , management , or unrighteous manipulation the funds , Friendly and Benefit Clubs and Soci arc falling through . The Savings' Banks , w were devised for the benefit of the Industrial Cla
are found rather to have been taken advan of by the class immediately above them , events which show that no one is responsible for deposits , have shaken the faith of those comp tively few among the working classes who entrusted them with their savings . We have room to refer to the other modes of investu which have been offered to the working classes ; it is evident that the majority of them are merel y on foot by mercenaries and adventurers , gair an easy prey among those who , understanding li of statistics and the " rigs o' the market , " readily deluded by plausible pretencen .
The extension of the principles of Life Assura to the Industrial classes is a ncccsHiiry conseque of the existing stale of things . And when it considered that among the middle and upper clan but two hundred thousand persons have assu their lives , while two millions of the worki classes ure enrolled as members of Friendly a Benefit Societies , it will readily be Been what
tendency there is in the popular mind to proviainTi investment . . aai The " National Provincial Life Assurance Sn ciety , " in addition to the general business nf assurance , has opened an " Industrial Branch » peculiarly adapted to the wants of the workin classes , whom we trust to see taking advantage of the new , safe , and profitable field opened to them Where it may be desirable or convenient for the working man to pay his premiums quarterly half-yearly , or annually , he may assure under the general tables . But where , as is more frequently the case , he finds it inconvenient to pay so large a sum at once , the Society proposes to take the premiums monthly on the following terms : —
Age Next Birthday. £20. £30. £40 ~~ F>U\...
Age next Birthday . £ 20 . £ 30 . £ 40 ~~ f > u \ ~ 30 Os . lOd . Is . 3 d . I 8 . 8 d . 2 s Od 50 la . 7 d . 2 s . 3 d . 3 s . 0 d . SigJ
Thus, For The Trifling Sum Of Lod. Per M...
Thus , for the trifling sum of lOd . per month a man may secure £ 20 to his wife and famil y on his death , though that event were to happen a moment after his first lOd . was paid . There is another table , whereby a man may for the same sum secure £ 20 , on arriving at a certain age ; or in the event of death the £ 20 would be paid to his family .
One of the reasons most frequently urged against the adoption of assurance , is the fear of not being able to pay up the premiums . The association has effectually met this objection . An assurer , in such case , will be allowed , as often as the value of the policy will admit , to charge the amount thereof on his policy ; or if wholly unable to continue the policy , the sums already paid will not be forfeited , but another policy of the value of the total sums already paid is to be granted , which will be payable on the death of the assured without any further
premiums . A man , therefore , who had paid £ 50 in a term of years , finding himself unable to continue the premiums , would receive a policy for £ 50 , payable at his death . There is , therefore , now no excuse for any one to leave his wife and children a burden upon society , or upon the cold and forced charity of connections . Among the poor , each man has sufficient to do to maintain his own , without any encroachment on his slender earnings from the relicts of those who should have provided for their progeny . fe
The general adoption of Industrial LiAssurance would work a perfect reformation in Society . Few necl die in pauperism . Few pass through life without the power , at some time , of assuring under circumstances as favourable as those we have pointed out . What a change would take place in the ranks of the artisan , were the life of the head of every family assured for only £ 20 ! How useful would this £ 20 be to a widow and children who now , when death comes upon the working bee , are left destitute ! There is scarely a man who ism the possession of 25 s . a week , who could not by means of Assurance raise his descendants entirely above the rank he now occupies , and m oreover , provide
„ y u . « , ciiiiu as »» ° " * ; £ jr * *« a ' but we wish rather to show what wrouw
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 22, 1851, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_22111851/page/12/
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