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tf o. 474, - AWn \.*!L1850.1 " THE LEADE...
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SATURDAY, APRIL 23, 1859.
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There is nothing so revolutionary, becau...
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stituencies great principles of policy ;...
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CONGRESS, OR NO CONGRESS? As We foresaw ...
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LORD WARD AND DUDLEI. Lohx> Ward has nev...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Tf O. 474, - Awn \.*!L1850.1 " The Leade...
tf o . 474 , - AWn \ . *! L 1850 . 1 " THE LEADEE . 52 9
Ad01708
SUBSCRIPTION TO " THE LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , UNSTAMPED , PREPAID . ( Delivered Gratis ) . NOTICES T O CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated bV the name and address of the writer , not necessarily for publication , but as a g-uarantce of las good faith . rf , = 4 mnrmsible to acknowledge the mass of letters we re" ^^ Sr lnsS ^ 'Is-c ^ cm . doIaycd . b ^ nff to ^ . prjMB Emitter- and when omitted , it is frequently from rcaeons . quite indopendent of the merits of the commumcation . . . . ... We cannot undertake to return rejected communications . OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STEAND , W . C .,
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Saturday, April 23, 1859.
SATURDAY , APRIL 23 , 1859 .
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There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , ; as the strain to kc-ep tilings fixed when-all-the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . ' AusolD . — ¦ —?¦ ¦ ¦ '
Stituencies Great Principles Of Policy ;...
stituencies great princip policy ; . regard should be had to past services and proven worth in the selection of candidates , Every consideration was disregarded , save one—namely , that of packing a rarluunent for the purposes of the Government of the day . The best and ablest men were hustlud and hounded down in the pursuit of this purpose , and its success ibr the moment seemed complete . But though tfyo country had been made drunk fora day , it could not be prevented from awakening sober on the morrow . A senses of returning reason and justice came , and «* radunlly the wrongs done to individuals wore repaired , -while a spirit of soli-redress animated the House of
Comles of andthat THE DISSOLUTION . The House that Pahnerston built has been dissolved . The -insecurity of the edifice was foretold on the day that its foundations were laid ; for instead of resting upon any great or sound priiicijile , the structure was seen to rest on the mere surface-sand of personal and temporary expediency . It was in vain that the Liberal press—and , let us frankly add , the Conservative press likewise , in many instances —protested against the dissolution of 1857 being taken on a single question of confidence in the then existing minister . In vain every wise and patriotic man urged the propriety of placing before the
con-Mr . Gladstone , and Lord Palmerston holding office under Lord Aberdeen . We have seen Lord Stanley invited to join the Cabinet of Cambridge House , and Earl Grey asked by Lord Derby to form part of his Administration . We have seen Mr . Sidney Herbert coalescing with Sir William Molesworth , and Lord Shaftesbury acting as the Lord Protector of a ministry of which Lord Clanricarde formed a part . What are plain men to infer from these things ? What can they infer ,
save this ?—that where the gratification of personal ambition is at stake , the old distinctions of Whig and Tory are not suffered to prevail ; and that if -we desire to see in the new Parliament a large infusion of practical and popular strength , we must thrust aside the faded banners of old factions , and look solely to the principles of national policy which the candidates who seek our suffrages are pledged to defend . We do trust , sincerely , that electors throughout the country will weigh well
these things in time . We are on the brink of European convulsion ; and we have to deal with questions of domestic change which are of vast importance , and which cannot with safety be further postponed . We want a very different sort of Parliament from that which . Lord Derby avows his desire to obtain . In the speech from the Throne , her Majesty is made to declare that difficulties have arisen in the way of good Government from the absence of party cohesion amonsr members of the House of
Commons- and Providence is importuned to interpose for the purpose' of giving the present Government a good working majority- We cannot affect to say Amen to this Cabinet prayer .. We ascribe the events that have taken . ]^ ace during the brief existence of the late . House- of Commons- ' to very different causes from those assigned by the Premier . We are satisfied that the origin of the cause of the instability we have lately witnessed is to be sought for in the want of independence tolerated by constif-. iieTieies at the last jreneral election—not in the
excess of that commodity in the Parliament which expires to-day . Had Lord Palmerston been less secure of an abject majority , he would never have trifled with the obligations of patronage in the manner he did , and he would never have brought in a Conspiracy Bill > a _ t the dictation of France . Could Lord Derby obtain by any amount of skill an equally numerous majority , it would not avail to avert his fall , if so be that he is still untaught and unteachable . on the subject of Reform . Nor would any amount of voting power he might nominally obtain at Westminster enable him to set at defiance the . opinion of the country with respect to interference bv arms in the internal affairs or
international quarrels of oar continental nighbours . Everybody , now-a-days , calls himself a Liberal ; and it has become a household jest as to which of the two -party clubs in Pall-mall is the ' Reform . But the people will , have only themselves to blame if they allow hacks and impostors to scramble into the House of Commons tlifg time . Let them press home upon , candidates practical tests as to the foreign and domestic policy they will support , and take nothing upon trust , because men call themselves by this or the other party name .
mons . Loi'd Palmerston and his colleagues , unmindful of the revulsion of feeling that had taken place , and presuming too far on the docility of the parliament they had manufactured for themselves , provoked the mutiny of March , 1858 , which drove thorn'from power . ' ISinco then a ministry has been allowed to hold oilice without ! the constitutional sanction of u n parliamentary majority ; and the re- , ward which the House of Commons has this day received for kn practical abdication of tlio right to decide who should bo the councillors of the Crown , is its own ox Unction by the iidvico ' of the men to whom it linn shown such gxoohh ' ivo- forboivrnnce .
Why do wo ivcuito tliuyo things now r Because wo aro on the uvo of a general election ; and because wo hope that , taught , by the bad example o ' l 1857 , the count ituoacios will this time go and do Otherwise . Between tho great hereditary factions in the stato wo have never professed to hoo that impassable j * ulf which violent men , whim worked up to rhetoric hoat , are apt to declaim about . Wo have had too much of mixing and mingling of parties and cliques of lato years , to render It possible for us to boliovo in tho sincerity of mero hustings vows of antagonism . We have hoou Lord John liusnell sitting in tho same Cabinet with
Congress, Or No Congress? As We Foresaw ...
CONGRESS , OR NO CONGRESS ? As We foresaw from the first , it has proved almost impossible to agree to any terms as tho basis on which a Congress is to meet . Again and again during tho Inst ' fortnight negotiations have appeared to conic absolutely to a stand-still , and have been again renewed with spider-like persistency by Lord Malmesbury and Count JBuol . It is hard to believe that any ol the loading statesmen who have taken part in tho diplomatic proceeding's referred to should entertain a sincere conviction that a
conmont desires , and is pledged , if possible , to maintain , is the emancipation of the Lombards and Venetians from the despotic yoke of Vienna . Sentimentally and sympathetically , she may be as sincere in desiring political reformation in Naples , Rome , or the i > ucV es 5 ^ \ everybody knows that her self-interest and her pride are involved in the Lombardo-Venetian question above all others , and that any ameliorations which leave it unsettled ; will fail to touch the core of the great controversy . So long as a German viceroy rules over the Milanese in the name of a German emperor , Italy will be discontented , and Piedmontese politicians will conspire . They noAv conspire in cabinets and salons and military councils ; and their confederates ^—strange though it be , and hard to realise the fact——are the absolutist rulers of Russia and of France .
Between the two latter there has sprung up an ominous intimacy and good understanding . They have their own objects to gain , by the humiliation of Austria : but who in his senses can believe that any portion of those objects is the political emancipapation of Italy ? As for English diplomatists , it is pretty clear that beyond the procrastination of war , somehow or anyhow , from week to week , they have no definite plan or purpose at all . What , then , can come of a Congress but waste of time and talk , infinite intrigue , interminable dispatch writing , and the utter disappointment of speculators for the rise on every Stock Exchange in Europe . Our only wonder is , that JVI . Cavour should have ventured to commit himself , even in the vaguest generality , to the principle of disarmament . Unthe le who trust
less he can contrive to make peop hhn understand that in reality he never expects to be called on to fulfil the engagement , the mere announcement of such an undertaking would be sure to prove fatal to the retention of his influence and power .. ¦ He has a wonderful knack of playing this sort of double game ; but his best friends cannot help fearing that he will one day founder , like one of the fast-sailing boats so well known to the shores of his country , in an unsuccessful attempt to tack in a sudden squall . We wish him a better fate ; we admire his courage and adroitness , and we make every allowance for the perils and perplexities of his position , but we confess to many misgivings as to the result of the sham Congress , said to be about to meet for the settlement of Italian allairs .
"toss is capable of settling the Italian question . As far as words go , Austriai , it mny bo admitted , lias conceded all that could bo fairly expected ol her . Sho has agreed to entertain the question of internal political X'cform in alji tho Italian states , tho permanent evacuation of Rome ami tho Lcga-r ( ions by foreign troops , and tho organisation of an Italian confederacy lor defensive purposes . Manifestly , however , it will bo in her power to rniso interminable obstacles in discussion to anything liko an qquitablo settlement of any of thosp questions . Even woro not Austrian diplomacy proverbially shifty , it woro dangerous to reckon on any agrcoinont as to tho" moaning of such propositions to which sho must bo , a consenting party . What X'icd-
Lord Ward And Dudlei. Lohx> Ward Has Nev...
LORD WARD AND DUDLEI . Lohx > Ward has never yet learnt the simple lesson , that notoriety is not fame . The talents of Alcibiades excused his eccentricities . ; but an Alcibiades without ability , in a day when Alcibiades _ were out of date , would be very much what Lord Ward is now . As long , however , as the Lord of Dudley contents himself . -with his proper sphere , acts the Mecxenas of admiring mediocrities , wields with varying favotir the destinies of the abroad national
operatic world , and ' confirms our character for foolish eccentricity , we are perfectly willing on our part to pass over his vagaries with their ' most fitting comment , continued silence . Unfortunately , his lordship is misguided enough to seek for fresh laurels on other fields . Wearied , we suppose , with tho bows of rival managers and the smiles of prima donnas , and the flatteries of artists , Lord Ward has of late turned his mind to politics . A public career is , of course , open to him , ns to every other ^ man of wealth and station . , In the race of politics , tho noblo millionaire would start with an enormous vantage . Tho ordinary method , however , by which honours and' powur tiro sought and won , is too oonnnon-placo and laborious for so universal a genius . Lord Ward , aspires to become a political power in tho state by a simpler and less arduous process . Ho seeks to fill tho oliaraolt'i * ot tho Moinber-malcer . From his lnrgo twtatos and « nmenso wealth , he exercises an almost ovorwneimimr influence in most of the WoreuflUwlnre ana Stallbrdalure elections . if tliw in / luwico were exerted uniformly in ono direction , it might be combated cu- at luast dimiuwlieil ; but iw -L-orU Ward appears to outovtaiu u supremo Imlillurpnce on tho Subject of political principkv , and wields hia author ! tv on ono side or tho other , according to tho niwdlng capricu or intoruat ot tho hour , tho weight of his inlluonco thrown into ono side or Iho ° othyr praotioally decides tho oleotioi > s . Tho localities more especially favoured by the peculiar patronage of Lord Ward wo East Worcestershire , South Staffordshire , Kidderminster , and
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 23, 1859, page 17, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_23041859/page/17/
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