On this page
- Departments (1)
-
Text (5)
-
No. 496. Sept. 24, 1859.] THE liEADEB. 1...
-
BLONDIN OR NO BLONDEST. What is 1 truth-...
-
THE FRENCH PRESS. [from a correspondent....
-
^ . ¦ t*\wvk\ Yif ftvvrtKnrturTiitrri* QPltljJWai qWJm&JJflUWtUi** +.
-
FRANCE. Paris, September 22nd. Great joy...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Custom-House Extravagance. A Betrrkn Has...
they must be largely followed , and strenuously urged forward . :
No. 496. Sept. 24, 1859.] The Lieadeb. 1...
No . 496 . Sept . 24 , 1859 . ] THE liEADEB . 1083
Blondin Or No Blondest. What Is 1 Truth-...
BLONDIN OR NO BLONDEST . What is truth- ? . This , question used to be considered the expression of the most ultra-scepticism . We , unfortunatel y * have advanced a stage further in the science of hypothetical incredulity . What we now-a-days want to know is , whether there is such a thing as truth at all ? Our doubts are not as to the nature , but as to the existence of truth . The Blondin myth has destroyed the last remnants of our faith . In our present state of mental bewilderment we dare not say that we believed ,
still Jess that we had reason to believe . As a mere form of words , however , not as an actual opinion , we state that we fancied , that we had received an impression , that an acrobat , called Blondin , had crossed and recrossed the Niagara on a tight-rope , in the presence of thousands of spectators . In blissful ignorance of the future , we paid but small attention to the impression , or report , or delusion , or Whatever we must call it . There was nothing surprising in a man risking his life for money , and nothing waa more in accordance with human nature than that crowds should
assemble to see a man do an act ; of fool-hardy daring . Little did we think , indeed , that our whole prospects of future comfort in life were bound lip in the " Blondin" question . Suddenly a man comes forward , and informs us that Blondin never did cross the Niagara ; that it was all a gigantic hoax ; and that the thousands of persons who came to the falls to see Blondin , agreed to say that they had seen him in order to hoax others . We don't even know whether there was such a man as Blondin ; we utterly disbelieve that there is such a river as Niagara , or that it falls over anything . We even entertain grave doubts as to the existence of America , and suspect that Columbus was a Spanish Barnum .
Our bewilderment is not relieved by the supposition , that , after all , the confession of the candid correspondent niay be a lie . If so , matters are no better . The potentiality of lying disclosed is only more astounding . If anything is certain at all , it is that no man tells a lie . without a prospect of being believed . All our principles of action are based on this hypothesis . If , then , the correspondent who professed to reveal the " Blondin " hoax told a lie , he must have expected to be believed . In his opinion , therefore , it was not improbable that the public . would believe that ten thousand persons or so , of their own number , would combine , without
cause or motive , to tell a lie . Thus , by their own showing , the Americans are not only a nation of liars , but know themselves to be liars . The old metaphysical paradox is revived with winch our youthful intellects were perplexed . A B says that all the Americans are always liars ; but A B is himself an American . r- ' -therefbre he is a . liar , and the Americans are not liars . Our mental powers grow paralysed . We once knew a gentleman , who married the daughter of a successful apothecary . At the wedding breakfast the bottle went frequently round , and the bridegroom , was called on for a speech . " In vino voritas ; " and
the speaker expressed his feelings towards his father-in-law ' s family by the remark , " You are all a set of petty pettifogging practitioners . " Perceiving his error , he made a desperate effort to retrieve himself by adding , " and I also am one of you . " In the same way wo can see np possible escape from our metaphysical difficulties except by the general confession : We are all liars . There is , nothing false and nothing true . Evil is only a lower form of good , and falsehood is only the development of truth .. To Bpeak sex'iously , however ^ whether the Blondin story be true or not , this extraordinary fimoy of the Americans for hoaxes is a curious ,
and not altogether a pleasant , trait of national character . Within the space of a , few years , how many hoaxes we can remember in the United States . There was the "Woolley Horse" of Fremont ' s expedition , the Blaok Nurse of Washington , and the Great Sea-Serpent story . There was , also , the famous Arrow-Smith duel in the railway oars of Georgia , the rights of whioh nobody knows to this day . We were reoently told by an Anaerioan that many p ersons in the " States " considered the Atlantic telegraph to have been a hoax , and that no messages ever were sent at all from One side or the other . Barnum himself has
made hoaxing into a science , and is honoured as a prophet in his own country . The odd fact is , not that there should be hoaxes , but that every inventor of a hoax can reckon securely on the tacit , if not the active , assistance of indifferent spectators to carry on the deception . We plead guilty to not understanding the charm of these national hoaxes , A nation combining to hoax itself appears to bear a decided resemblance , to the individual who , according to common stories , cut off his nose to spite his face .
The French Press. [From A Correspondent....
THE FRENCH PRESS . [ from a correspondent . ] Fob some time past hopes have been entertained by the literary public of France that the Imperial Government was about to modify the laws on the press . The exact reasons for this expectation it is rather hard to determine . No doubt , during the war considerable license was allowed to the press in discussing the policy of the Government . The reason of this liberty probably arose from the fact that the Emperor had no very distinct policy of his own , and intended to be guided by circumstances . The war , while it lasted , was the one great subject of national interest in France . For the time ,
therefore , the French press really expressed the feelings of the country , and rose in consequence both in reputation and influence . At . the recent amnesty , after the war , all ? ' avertissements " which had been inflicted on different newspapers were cancelled by act of the Government . This act was a favour , and nothing more . If Parliament were to enact that all fines inflicted on publicans were to be considered as not having been imposed , it would be undoubtedly a great boon to licensed victuallers who were in danger of Josing their licenses . But theevils of the " licensing system " would remain unaltered . The French press starts with the same liabilities as before , but the old score against it is rubbed out . Still , from whatever cause , an expectation had arisen that
this concession was only a prelude to more important ones . With that promptitude of action , which I believe to be one of the main causes of the success of the Imperial Government , this expectation has been at once , dispelled . The Moniteur announces this week that the restrictive laws on the press are a fundamental part of the constitution , and will never be modified . At the same time , great latitude is to be allowed in their interpretation . The convict is still to wear his chain , but the links are to be made of the lighest and most elegant materials .
It is very difficult for a foreigner , and , " I suspect , even for a native , to ascertain exactly what degree of freedom is allowed to the press . There is certainly much more license of language allowed now , than there was some four or five years ago . On the whole , I am disposed to think that , with regard to the press , the Umpire is true to its policy of looking at facts , not at theories , and cares much more about the effect likely to be produced by any article , than about its actual words or sentiments . There is certainly no uniform standard on which the censorship is conducted . In spite of the assertions the Times is constantly in the habit of making ,
English newspapers are but little read in France , ana exercise no practical influence . In consequence , Galignani is allowed to publish anything from the English journals not a direct personal attack on the Emperor . The columns of the Daily Telegraph and tho Morning Advertiser are perhaps the only ones from which extracts on French matters cquld hardly bo reprinted . In much , the same way the Revue dea Deux Mondea , which is the organ of the Montalcmbeit party , and is . certainly tho most outspoken of tho opponents of the Government , has a very limited and entirely a class circulation ; its readers belong almost exclusively to the Orleani ' st faction , which is dailv sinking in influence . Tho lieveu dea Deux
Mondea may , therefore , be safely allowed to say pretty much what it likes , and is allowed , in fact , to do so . On tho same principle the Legitimist papers , the Gazette do Prance , the Unions , and Jduniorf . are suffered to express their Royalist aspirations and regrets with considerable freedom , By tho same rule the Democratic and Sooialist party , which , however beaten down , is still the only formidable opponent of the Government amongst French parties , is scarcely allowed to have an organ in the press . Probably the Slealc is the nearest approach to a democratic journal , and , in consequence , any expression of hostile sentiments in its columns is most carefully suppressed . Long experience of France has convinced mo , tnac
It is impossible to arrive at any statistics as to the increase or decrease of circulation in French newspapers since the restrictive laws have been enacted . There are certain facts , however , which strike even a very casual observer . The number of newsvendors in the streets is obviously diminished . There are no placards as of old on the walls setting forth the respective ments and circulation of rival newspapers . The number of Parisian journals one * meets with in provincial inns and cafes is , I fancy , much smaller , and few new newspapers appear to be started . The merit of the political articles has obviouslydeclined . On the other hand , in the palmy days of the Paris press , the most brilliant writing invariably consisted of party abuse and political invective , _ , .,.., „„_ to slash
the great bulk of the public who read newspapers at all , have no decided political opinions , and belong to no political party . As long as the Imperial Government can rely on the passive adhesion of this floating body it is safe . The constant , endeavour of the Empire , is to hinder any thing that would arouse temporary excitement or ,. hostility to the Government . The papers , therefore , which address themselves to this great indifferent public , like the Debuts * the Presse , or the Cohstitutidnnel , are carefully debarred from using personal invective or appealing to popular passions , the only two ways by which national excitement , can be aroused in France . Covert inuendoes and delicate allusions are innocuous , because they are ineffectual . A hardened dram-drinker is not likely to be intoxicated by any quantity of small beer .
and a slashing article requires somebody at . The correspondence and the non-political articles appear to me to contain more valuable and better written information than formerly . One curious and inevitable effect of the system of forcing contributors to sign their articles is the amount of personalities indulged in between the writers of different newspapers . We should stare with surprise if Mr . Smithy of the Argus , were always alluding to the fact that the tailor ' s bill of Mr . Jones , of the Mercury , was neither paid nor likely to be paid , and if Mr . Jones were daily to give currency to a report that Mrs . Smith was not exactly happy in her marriage . Yet , " mutatis mutandis , " this is the sort of thing you see daily introduced into the articles of respectable French jourhala .
With regard to the future of the French press , I am not over sanguine . Even their bitter experience does not seem to have opened their eyes to the fundamental truth , that real freedom of the Press requires perfect liberty for the expression of all opinions . Each party thinks it monstrous that the expression of their own opinions should be circumscribed , but sees no abstract injustice in suppressing what they hold to be the erroneous opinions of their opponents . The liberty of the individual never has been appreciated in France , and I fear never will be . Viator .
^ . ¦ T*\Wvk\ Yif Ftvvrtknrturtiitrri* Qpltljjwai Qwjm&Jjfluwtui** +.
( Spinal atomapntUiw *
France. Paris, September 22nd. Great Joy...
FRANCE . Paris , September 22 nd . Great joy reigned of late' in Paris , and now , alas the cause of that rejoicing is over . Everybody , except the initiated few who are about the Emperor s person , believed that the liberty of the press was about to be decreed ; but b \\ e Moniteur , iu stern official language , annihilates our expectations . The hopes that were roused after the Italian victories and upon the proclamation of the amnesty to political offenders are manifestly without foundation . Therfl wero neonle . and these many of them warm
supporters of the Empire , who fondly behevea wm we were on the eve of a vory liberal rdgwie , which would embrace perfect representative institutions , freedom of discussion , and liberty of the pross . Prince Napoleon , who is well known to be in favour of lSyfand for which partiality , ho has obtained the soubrinuet of the " red prince , " intends , it is said , to leate IrancQ , in disgust with the turn which Ss have taken . Whether he evev believed m these political ohangos is more than doubtful : he knows his couein too well , butpolitcal causes may actuate him to take this step . . Tto Pnnco s said to Kthnm in tho Emneror ' s side , and he will not be
sorrv to get rid of one whoso political opiu ions are o aTvariSnco - with his own . TWrince Is cortataly very popular , but ho haa not yet had an opportunity o ? displaying his talents , which are said to bo very considerable . He resembles tho first Napoleon in lib features , and unites to tho graces of a conudy person , the enjoyment of robust health and the advantages of a highly cultivated mind . Sneaking of the Prince reminds me of his friend , Emilie Girardin , who has announced a now pom-SS to be called " Napoleon lit and France /; which is probably destined , like everyfcliing which proceeds from Ms pen , to create a great sensation
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 24, 1859, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_24091859/page/15/
-