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1298 THE LEADEJ1 ' .ffiq. 505, T$ov..26,...
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ITALY AND THE CONGRESS
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E Scribes, Would Be, And.Ought To Be, Im...
of the erroneous course steered between 1793 and 1816 , the change was dictated by sheer jiecessity—not generosity . . The ship of the State . tiras running on the rocks , and the pilot was prudent enough to tack about . The gentlemen of England , having him at their head , could not then be induced to give up their tax on the _ labourers bread , and were only at last persuaded into allowing the just course to be taken , while they ostracised their great champion and favourite for taking it , by the terrible famine which destroyed more than one-tenth of the whole Irish people . If for such legislation in 1842 and subsequent years , the gentlemen of England deserve the flattery of our contemporaries it will not secure them either honour from the historian or veneration from the bulk of mankind .
From 1842 till the war of 1854 there was again , as the rule , a reduction of taxation . The Government , and all the parties which had influence with the Government , tried hard to expend the whole revenue , but . could not succeed , and so they reduced taxation . From 1842 to 1853 the only taxes imposed were a trifling sum on auctioneers' licences , and the inhabited house duty . The reduced or repealed taxes were numerous , but surely the abolition of the duties on glass and on "bricks , on exported coals and marine insurances , on fine furniture woods , and on windows ^— -from which small houses were exempt—were not boons exclusively for those who have no income but wages . We cheerfully admit that they did share iyith the rest of the community in the advantages of the reduction or abolition of duties on the raw
" materials of clothing , on tea , butter , cheese , sugar , coffee , & c , but those who reproach them with not fceing thankful-for this reduction , admit the injustice it only partially remedied . Their general well-Jbeing since these reductions were commenced , and the increased national prosperity whieh has accom ? parried every reduction or abolition of duties , and every removal of restrictions , seem to have given no satisfaction to the gentlemen ¦' . of England and their class writers .. They continually represent these changes as losses to them . They actually claim a property in taxation , and find no coihsolation , when they are compelled to give it up , in the wrell-being . of the . people and the prosperity of the nation which ensue .
. Now , coming to the existing taxation , as the several reforms boasted of have left it , we grant that it is not so scandalously unjust as the taxation imposed between 1793 and 1816 . A much larger proportion of it is now borne , in the first instance , by the other classes than those who have no other income than wages . But , of all the indirect taxation , amounting to more than . £ 42 , OO 0 jOOO , they pay a large share . TThe excise duties on malt , bops , paper , and spirits : the Customs duties on sugar , tea , coffee , cocoa , tobacco , & c ., fall heavily on them . So does the Is . duty on a quarter of corn , and the duties on butter and . oheese , which also have the effect of increasing the price of all the corn , butter , and oheese grown or made at home land
which they collect chiefly from those who live on wages . They recover from the lower classes far more than double the sum which they actually contribute to the state by indirect taxation . Accordingly , it is notorious that the middle and shopkeeping classes—as long as taxation is not so inordinate as , in 1841 , to stop consumption— -get rich by the taxation they are by the Board of Inland Revenue asserted to pay . It is equally notorious that the makers of excise articles profit by the tax , and great hop growers , great distillers , and great paper makers object to the removal of excise duties . In fact , such duties make it necessary to
possess a large capital , in order to advance them to the Government which confines the business to few hands , effectually keeps out of it all those who have no incomes but wages , and establishes against them a grievous monopoly . Now , as indirect taxation adds to profit , raises prices * restricts competition , and enriches the middle and upper classes , it is clear , that as a whole—whatever may be the case with individuals—they pay no portion of these taxes , whatever per centage of the articles taxed they may consume ; The elaborate calculations of the Board , therefore , may be put aside as irrelevant to the subject .
We are now in a condition to answer the great question— -Who pays the taxes ? . All wealth , say the political economists , is created by labour Labour pays all price . The land may be monopolised , it is not wealth , and there is no wealth in the world which is not created by labour . By labour , too , all wealth is annually produced , for all wealth is annually consumed . There is for ever renewed production . All repairs of instruments and implements are tantamount to new production ; . Labour , then , including skilled labour of all kinds , pays all the taxes . The labourers pay all the taxes . The productive labourers not only pay all the taxes , they sustain all the unproductive classes . Of course all the recipients of taxesand under this term all state enforced
contributions of every kind ought to be included—pay none of them . They are all paid by labour . The landlord ' s rent , the capitalist ' s profit , the titheowner ' s compensation , are ; all paid by those who labour , and especially by the class who are contradistinguished from capitalists , landowners , and tithe owners , as having no means but wages . We now understand why the labourers should be always poor ; they are compelled by the Stateand for this purpose the State seems to exist to provide ample subsistence , comforts , and luxuries for all the rest of society . This is unjust , and the upper glasses begin to see that it is unjust . The condition of . those who have no incomes but wages—males and females—is seriously affecting the other classes . They are by circumstances compelled to take it into consideration . The gentlemen of England begin to see that they are made the victims of a false political system ; and a consciousness of doing injustice , with its accompanying sense of shame , is fast growing up in their minds . To stop its growth seems the great object of the snobisra of the press , but no flattery can prevail against facts ; and now that the conscience of the upper classes is awakened , they , we are sure , will be prompt to do justice to those by whose labour they live . They will not continue to prefer political mire to social purity . Who receives tho taxes ? is a . branch of the subject adverted to by our contemporaries , which wo may hereafter consider .
these relicts of corn laws still transfer a large sum annually , from those who have no incomes but ¦ wages , into the pockets of the landowners . Moreover , the indirect taxes on articles , none of which , are grown in England , have the effect of increasing the difficulty of obtaining them , and forcing tho population to use home-grown substitutes or commodities of a similar character . The tax on raisins and currants keep up the price of similar fruits grown at home . It is'virtually like many similar taxes , a bounty on' home-grown produce . With these little explanations we adopt the statement of tho Board of InlnndRevenue—published Iby our contemporaries—that the consumption is of
Toa . Suffnr . por Cwt . por Gwt . By tho Upper Classes ...... 17 A 224 „ MlcIdJo Classes 38 38 „ Wages Clues 444 3 t > 4 Let us , however , remind the Board , and those -who deem its wisdom incomparable , that the duties levied on these articles are twioo cplleoted , first by tho Custom House , before they can be taken from the king ' s warehouses , and secondly , by the trades ^ jnenwho sell thorn to the multitude . The cost of the first collection is said to be 10 per cent , on the price , and the cost of this second collection 134 per cent . j'Qa this statement , for collecting the ^ 42 , 000 , 000 we middle apd upper classes—for the merchant gets BOTOpthjng in collecting the tax Irom the ahop-Keepera ^ -Bharo amongst thorn annually £ 56 , 000 , 000 ,
1298 The Leadej1 ' .Ffiq. 505, T$Ov..26,...
1298 THE LEADEJ 1 ' . ffiq . 505 , T $ ov .. 26 , 18 SS .
Italy And The Congress
he aroused among his followers s hould ov ien & ten the bounds which he himself -would wish to prescribe for it , and prove utterl y beyond his control . It is of course a matter variously judged according to special political leanings and decided in accordance with the prospect obtained from the peculiar stand-point of each reasoner , whether the Italians have done , and are doing well in thus waiting and depending upon others to accomplish for them what they ° might no doubt , have secured for themselves , thouW
with as little doubt , oftly at the cost of immense sacrifice of life . Having , however , so decided , -we repeat that it is perfectly consistent with that decision , and so far , therefore , worthy of respect , that they should seek to repress the military ardour of their excitable youth and lower grades within the limits demanded by this general line of policy . To many who looked upou the presence of' Garibaldi and his troops in Central Italy as the best guarantee for the future of the Peninsula , it is necessarily a great disappointment that he should have resinned his charge . But
in deference to the convictions of those who have adopted the waiting policy he could do no less . Among these , we know from personal acquaintance , are some of the most fiery spirit , who impatiently long to be up and doing , and whose acquiescence in the present state of things is a proof of higher self-control and abnegation of every personal sentiment than was ever given by monk or nun in the retirement
of the hermitage or cloister , or by martyr at the stake . Garibaldi ' s very name is associated with movement and brilliant action . How , then , ask him to . stand , still surrounded by troops impatient to be led by him to glory ? How feel secure , when a single spark might kindle an inextinguishable flame in those ranks which the rulers have their reasons for yet longer retaining in idleness ? Under such circumstances it was
almost inevitable that he should resign his command . It is gratifying that he has acted throughout in perfect accord with the soldier King of Piedmont . From the 17 th of March , when Victor Emmanuel appointed him general of the Italian army , and confided to his command the Chasseurs des Alpes , to the present moment , his conduct has been marked by the utmost disinterestedness and forgetfulness of self ; and the brilliant successes of himself and his braVe followers during the Franco-Sardinian campaign were such as amply to maintain the high reputation and romantic interests attached to the name of the heroic guerilla , chieftain and republican soldier of 1848 . island of Mnddalena
He retires to his farm in the with the promise of returning to Italy whenever his services may be claimed by his Sovereign , 'lhe manly and characteristic proclamation addressed by him to the Italians , and inserted in the Nice journals , provos that he may still be depended upon when the right moment foi * action is considered to have arrived . It may be -hoped that his departure will not have depressed the military ardour of his countrymen beyond the prudent ami safe standard to which it is sought to limit it , since the ' second regiment of the Uologneso brigade has taken tho oath to tho King ot bardinia , received its colours amid tho applause 01 the populace , and adopted the uniform oi tuo Sardinian army .
Again , it has been feared by tho alarmists thai the remarkable and admirable union whurh lins so long prevailed among the several States was giving way , because objection was made at lloronco to the proposed regency . But tho opposition emanated from a single member of tho Government , supported by but a very small party , and lias won entirely withdrawn . Wo will , ¦ thorofuro , hope Unit tho great end and object of tho presidency will I * obtained { that tho friendly tics existing between the States of Central Italy and the Lomlmruo-Qnwifninn lfinnfiftm will lin si ill UirtllUT titrOlltfC"
ITALY ANI > THE CONGRESS . We are' unwilling to share in tho desponding views expressed b y many at the turn which Italian affairs , regarded in some lights , may appear to have taken . The vretiremont of Garibaldi is only consistent with the professed plan of aotioii of the chief leaders in the temporary and provisional measures taken in tho Peninsula . From the first , it lias been deoidod to wait and see tho result of diplomacy before doing anything to oxcitp or warrant one of those great revolutionary outbursts which , on every principle of humanity and prudence , are to bo avoided as long as possible , and , when inevitable , curtailed and limited within the narrowest bounds compatible with their nature , origin and object . It appears that tho presence of Garibaldi in Central Italy was a cause of tho greatest embarrassment to the Governments of tho Duchies , particularly that of Tuscany . Hie own ardour and patriotism were so infectious , that the rulers wore in constant fear lest tho enthusiasm
enod ; and that the now Italian kingdom uwy present so united and imposing a front to uio European Congress , that it must bo noknowloUgeu and recognised as an already consolidated pow ° *; Tho direction of the present political movoiuont in Italy has been almost exclusively confined u > i «« aristocratic and middle classes . Similar political agitations are generally carried on by demagogues and sectaries belonging to tho lowest ranks , « socloty , who have nothing to lose , so may Jft"V hope to gain by any ohange , whatever the ™ ' nvolved in their plans to the country at laigo .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 26, 1859, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26111859/page/14/
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