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Sept. 27, 1851.] tit tie ILt *B* t. 019 ...
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Jf t ^frr M> ir u £ y
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SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1851.
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pnbiit IMxs.
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There is nothing so revolutionary, becau...
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PROTECTION OR ITS EQUIVALENT. Multitudes...
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HIS MAJESTY OF NA.PLES AND GLADSTONE. Th...
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EQUALITY I N TJIK EYK OF THE LAW. Justic...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Sept. 27, 1851.] Tit Tie Ilt *B* T. 019 ...
Sept . 27 , 1851 . ] tit tie ILt * B * t . 019 —¦ --. __ - p ^^^_____
Jf T ^Frr M≫ Ir U £ Y
Jf t ^ frr M > ir u £ y
Saturday, September 27, 1851.
SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 27 , 1851 .
Pnbiit Imxs.
pnbiit IMxs .
There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There is nothing so revolutionary , because there 18 nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things tixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .
Protection Or Its Equivalent. Multitudes...
PROTECTION OR ITS EQUIVALENT . Multitudes are running away from the old country to the colonies , and the vast desertion of labour , not only perplexes the farmer at the harvest , but creates a panic among the journalists . M'Corinack ' s reaping-machine is introducing transatlantic ideas to the old agricultural mind , and has been the subject of many trials . At Carlisle Sir James Graham is looking forward to the day when manufacturers shall establish flax-mills in agricultural districts—Sir James , perhaps unconsciously ,
rivalling Charles Kingsley ! Protection has made its formal resignation , by the mouth of Mr . Disraeli , at Aylesbury . Striking events , these , to come together ! Leading agriculturists give up ; farmers see their labour deserting ; the labourers , already reduced to a level of pauper wages , see the fields invaded by that rival which neither eats , nor drinks , nor asks wages , nor poor-rates—machinery . Such is the confusion of the agricultural world at a time when Sir James Graham is reiterating the did truism " that the basis of our national prosperity is the produce of the soil . "
Yes , ifc is all a matter of produce . The nation which has abundance of the common necessaries of life , is prosperous . " Wealth " alone will not do : England is , perhaps , the wealthiest country under the sun ; but multitudes of her people are running away , because she is not prosperous for them . And yet they leave behind still greater multitudes struggling with pauperism , like the labourers of the fields and the poorer workers of the towns , or struggling with ruin and insolvency , like our farmers and traders .
This emigration is beginning to visit political observers with the apprehensions which we anticipated in a recent paper . The Times notes with dismay that the number of emigrants , chiefly British , " at New York alone , for the first eight months of this year , has been 192 , 836 , against about three fourths of that number the year before ; " to this must still be added the purely British emigration by the route of the St . Lawrence , and the incessant emigration to the Australian colonies . The exodus is immense , is increasing , and is likely to increase . The improvements of ocean steamers will probably bring a twelve days '
passage across the Atlantic " within the means of the common run of emigrants . "" The Times looks forward to a vast change of our social and industrial system when , " instead of two men looking after one master , one master will be looking after two men . " The Globe notes the fact that , " along with much ignorance , much disaffection is exported from Ireland to our American colonies . " The Whig journalist hopes that this may wear off with time ; but there ia no ground for the hope . The Irish element in America is manifestly increasing ; already has it taken possession of the American Athens , Boston , whose city remains in Irish hands ; and when Irishism is wedded to Native
Americanism , animosity to hngland is added to Kcpublican prejudice . The Standard repeats , not of course avowedly , our own anticipation , that emigration may touch the sources of revenue ; not only , let us add , because tax-payers are sent away , but because , by driving forth our labour , we are diminishing the productive capacity of the nation . The system is driving our labour forth to alienated colonies , or to colonies which our Government is doing its best to alienate .
1 ho process , indeed , cannot bo completed at once ; great munbeiH of persons are so reduced in means that they cannot get away . The pauperized labourers of Hud oik or Essex , Dorsetshire or Hampshire , cannot run ; they must remain " , and must undergo the further changes that are in store for them , linmunuu changua , if we arc to judge by the way in which People Ulk at agricultural dinners about manufacturing mills migrating to
rural districts , as SJif James Graham did ; of steain threshing , as Captain Rushout did at Eve-sham ; or of M'Cormack ' s machine , as everybody is talking . Nor will the farmers be scatheless : while improvers are bringing to bear their machinery and improvements , success or otherwise , farmers will have to pay their rents , will have to stand the racket of bad seasons , will have to take prices fixed by the foreign grower ; and even the millers , who used to holds their heads so independently , now find their business sinking under the competition with foreign flour .
The state of agriculture is not only unsettled , but it is disastrous . The landowner , who has a political as well as a financial game to play , may give up the Protection cause , and knowing that his acres will riot run away , may solace himself with distant prospect after the struggle . But the farmers , the labourers?—they must pay bitterly . They have a right , then , to ask their leaders what they mean ? For Protection did mean something : it intended to secure that which the law of
" supply and demand" fails to secure—a fair subsistence in return for industry . That the present system fail * we see from three great factsagriculture short of labour , labour flying the country , and immense numbers etill wanting sufficient food . Protection was right in its object , defective in plan , and' it has become impossible ; it has broken down—it is politically extinct . Free Trade has taken its turn , and is called upon to fulfil its promise of feeding the People : it fails—it manifestly tends to increase that most anomalous fact of our actual Condition , the coexistence of idle lands , idle hands , and idle mouths .
The commonplace rejoinder of political ceconomists , that all will be set right by the mere cheapening of food , is not true either in theory or fact ; that country must ever remain in a disastrous condition where the labour of-large classes is cheaper than the cheapest food ; and that is the condition of our agricultural labourers , of our handloom weavers ' , and of innumerable town classes .
To prevent that cheapening of man below the price of food was the object of Protection , and that just object , we say , must not be abandoned , because certain gentlemen leaders are tired of their work , or have been defeated in tactics . Neither the literary atnenities of Mr . Disraeli , nor the gout of Lord Derby , nor the extreme mental perplexity of the Duke of Richmond , nor the Arcadian prophecies of Sir James Graham , exonerate those who undertake to be the practical leaders of the working agriculturalists , from the duty of still striving for the object of Protection—a fair subsistence out of honest industry . Nor must that vital object be deferred sine die : Farmers and labourers have a right to ask their leaders what they are going to do f
His Majesty Of Na.Ples And Gladstone. Th...
HIS MAJESTY OF NA . PLES AND GLADSTONE . The lengthy and laboured official reply of the Koyal Executioner of Naples lo the damning proofs of Mr . Gladstone , served up though it be by a well-known artiste for English taste , with a garnishment of spurious reserves and affeoed qualifications , may suit the luzzaroni of Absolutism ; but it will , we dare lo say , but ill appwise the digestive organs of men accustomed Lo breathe the keen , untainted air of truth and justice . Space forbids our noticing , at this moment , seriatim , such pretended confutations an may be picked out from an ambiguous heap of trilling or tiitaome verbiage , which , if not irrelevant to the charges , is merely insulting' to the victims . We content ourselves with asking all honest readers whether , if even these ollieial denials had in effect ., to their own extent , demolished so much of the neries of accusations which were extorted from the conscience of the Conservative statesman an they attempt to impugn , there would not . mill survive enough , and more than enough of the great impeachment untouched to throw just , doubt on the credibility of the whole reply , from the first word to the last , hi all essential particulars . For the main fnctn indited by Mr . Gladstone . subsist in all their atrocity : his " errors" detected and exposed by the injured innocence , of the Koyal advocates are errors , it seems , of name , of number , of locality , of Italian . But the uwful violation of all principles of justice by corrupt tribunals , debased into hiHlmmcntH of a lioyal reign of terror ; the debauched evidence of suborned accuser *; the blood-ytjiiued perjury of the King hinwftlf , on and after the first " gift " of a Constitution ; the
short , whenever the Royal advocate encounters any Statement , so grave and so conclusive that we are anxious to know how it will be met , he in round terms denies it . It is only the other day that ISUnivers , the approved Jesuit organ of his Most Religious Majesty of Naples , denied that any man ' property had been confiscated by the King . By way of reply La Presse cited the names and addresses of exiles who had suffered a confiscation
massacres of the 15 th of May ( whilst the Monarch was praying in his Palace ); the exile or imprisonment of two-thirds of the constitutional representatives ; the confiscation of properties ; the brutal indecencies and savage cruelties of the subterranean gaols;—all these agreeable details , attested by we know not how many eyewitnesses , are evaded by quibbles , or denied altogether . In
of all they could not bring away . But we pause here to put one question ( we have plenty in reserve ) to the veracious and estimible mouthpiece of Royal barbarism . If ( as you assert ) , in the monin of June of the present year , the number of political prisoners did not exceed 2024 , how comes it that not only all rhe ordinary pn-ons , calculated to contain 20 , 000 prisoners , have been long since crammed , but it has been necessary to bring into use more than the ordinary gaol accommodation to satisfy the " activities" of the spies and the police ? A fact stronger than any assertion of the Royal advocate . We will ,
however , in mercy , supply him and our readers with a reply to our question . The long preventive incarceration of suspected prisoners before trial is the key to the enigma . The gaols are gorged with political victims who are admitted and entered upon the registers as ordinary criminals . After a preventive detention of many rnonibsor even , as in the case of Scialoja , for more than a year and a half—the prisoners are brought up for examination , and after some qim ^ i-judicial mockeries are declared out of the ordinary criminal jurisdiction , and so sent back to g > ol to wait , under such conditions as Mr . Gladstone has
described , the good pleasure and the tender mercies of political tribunals . The very small numbt-r of 2024 , therefore , which ihr oiTii-in reply -o triumphantly oppo-es to the 20 . 000 of Mr . < iladstone , are the political pri-oner . s who , after under going a long detention , have at last b en brought up for a sort of preliminary trial , and handed over to special jurisliction as political off riders . Hie acLu . il number of untrud prisoners , on su-piriou , the prey of the police , herded with common malefactors , exceeds—far exceeds—the mild apprehensions of Mr . Gladstone .
But the firs and last of questions for us to ask is , what faith are we to place in the veracity of men under whose august patronage the Catech'smo Filosifico is recommended to parents and guardians for the social , moral , and religious enlightenment of the Neapolitan youth ? We are told this Catechism of the right divine of perjury and violence was " a-private speculation" forsooth ! dedicated to the King and to the Episc pate " before the censure was established , " and " probably without the cognizance of the Government . " If English readers are prepared to accept this
disputed paternity , on the word of a King and a Jesuit , they will have no ( lifliculty in recognising the value to the accused of " twenty-five days of defence" — in a court presided over by Novarro They will believe that the prisons of Naples sire " conducted in a regular and judicious manner : " they will believe that the old judge who was dismissed for refusing to falsify his conscience wan " removed for reasons out of delicacy not stated : " they will feel the weight of the " official reply , " insisting that " a man cast for death , whose life has been spared by the clemency of the Kiny ,
cannot complain that the severe riyour of the law is exercised against him ; they will understand how " every indulgence , consistent with the due execution of the law , " has been extended to Poerio : in a word , they will heartily refuse to believe the word of the Kngliah gentleman and the honour of a Conservative statesman , whilst they " take for granted " all the assertions of the " proper authorities " Naples . What if this official reply be from tho pen of that CRtimabh ; Procurator" who recently rated the judges for " disguising disloyalty under the veil of impartiality" r What if it bo by the revered Novarro himself ?
Equality I N Tjik Eyk Of The Law. Justic...
EQUALITY I N TJIK EYK OF THE LAW . Justick i « represented by allegory loving and Croduloud painters a « bikIiUohm : l > ut wo beg to correct the mistake . It aJl depends towards whom
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 27, 1851, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_27091851/page/11/
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