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Jan. 28, 1860.J Lhei^eaaer ana ^aturaayJ...
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THE COxMMERCIAL TREATY. AMONGST the many...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Pope And His Temporalities. F Ew Sub...
the present over bygone ages . Men are ashamed now-a-days to dedicate their talents to the glorification of a power wliose mig htiest efforts have ever been put forth to darken human intellect and intelligence ' and retain men and women , pr inces and subjects in perpetual childhood and vassalage . The separation of the temporal from the spir itual power of the Pope has been repeatedly mooted at different tunes and by various writers . The plan advocated in the pamphlet which has so long engrossed public attention ,, may be characterized as a family project , since it is nearly identical with one conceived by the first Napoleon , and recently brought into public view .
The Napoleonic decrees relating to the Papacy , prepared by the minister Aldini in 1808 , professed to keep in view the maintenance of the temporal power of the Pope , while it secured the rights of the Roman population . It is these two divergent principles which the present Emperor seeks to unite . While we cannot conceive any just reason why the City of Rome should be burdened with a Government too onerous to be borne by the more extended territory of the Papal States , we can but rejoice in any reduction of the Pope ' s dominion , as preparatory to getting rid of his temporal power altogether . On this ground the blindness and obstinacy of the Pontifical Government in refusing to acquiesce in the transfer of the Legations is advantageous for the " rest of his oppressed States . It is morally certain to result and Umbriawhich would
eventually in the loss of the Marches , , in the contrary case , have been assured to the Pope for the present . It appears that , so far as the Emperor of France was concerned , the simultaneous appearance in . London of the report of Aldixi ; and at Paris of the pamphlet Le Pape et le Corigrcs , was completely fortuitous . Yet both view the subject in the same light , arrive at identical conclusions , and prove- that nothing but the separation of the temporal from the spiritual power can remedy the sufferings of , the people , and restore the lost splendour and influence of the Catholic religion . According to the provisions suggested previously to Is 15 , - the ..- temporal government was to be destroyed , not only in the Legations , but throughout the whole territory which had belonged ' to the Pontiffs . Rome was to be declared
free ; together with its dependencies . It was to be governed by a Senator and a Municipal Council composed of forty citizens . To the Senator was to belong the executive power , while the legislative was vested in the Council . THe provinces remaining to the Pope were to be annexed to the kingdom of Italy . The Pope was to enjoy an income of two millions , derived from civil taxes , and to retain possession of the Church and palaces of the Vatican and Holy Office , Thus he would resume his primitive sacerdotal ministry ; Rome would be restored to a government congenial with its history and traditions ; and while it enjoyed its own senatorial liberty , it was to partake of the splendours
of an imperial city . The author of this plan , Antonio Aldinr , was a Bolognese by birth , and nearly related to the celebrated Galvanic From 1797 he took an active part in the political events of the Continent . Having previously been an advocate at Rome , he had obtained a thorough insight into the political constitution of the clerical government . He subsequently became professor of law in the University of Bologna . Here his ideas expanded by the contemplation of the wide field opened to Italian publicists ' by the French Revolution , and he applied liimself to the development of the grand principles which were to replace feudalism , absolutism , and theocracy . Excited by the forwardhe
events which Napoleonic energy was hurrying , passed from theory to practice . First , he become Minister and Plenipotentiary of the Bolognese Republic at Paris ; then President of the Republican Congress at Modenn ; subsequently President of the Council of Elders of the Cisalpine Republic ; State Counsellor after the battle of Morcxjigo , member and president of the Legislative Councils . After this Napolkon kept him near his person , as minister for the affairs of Italy , nominated him count , and created him Grand Dignitary and Treasurer of the Order of the Iron Crown , During this period he represented the practical sense of the Italians , ns accompanying the genius of the Revolution . Not until the Allies entered Paris did he give
up his post , and then the esteem in which he wns held by the Powers of Europe , was so great that the Austrian Emperor , Francis , invited him to Vienna , to remain , during the Congress . Here , though divested of his oni ' cinl charocter , ho was often Consulted by the principal diplomatists , and had frequent conferences with them . His project with regard to the Papacy met with the full approbation of Napoleon I ., though the turn of political events preventod him from carrying it out . It wns kept seeret until 1850 , when it was brought . forward , . but only . to be rejected . Tins present position of the Legations , however , renders it worthy of re-examination , and proves that this arrangement , or some modification of it , ia essential to tho tranquil settlement of Italian affairs . "
Jan. 28, 1860.J Lhei^Eaaer Ana ^Aturaayj...
Jan . 28 , 1860 . J Lhei ^ eaaer ana ^ aturaayJincuyst . . » sj
The Coxmmercial Treaty. Amongst The Many...
THE COxMMERCIAL TREATY . AMONGST the many topics to which the opening of Parliament has suddenly imparted a great interest , the commercial treaty with France stands put very prominently . Next to Italy arid the Congress , it was placed foremost in the Royal Speech . It has already occupied attention in both Houses . It concerns the-welfare- of the two greatest nations of Europe . Many of the subjects eagerly announced and breathlessly discussed at the opening of every session soon pass into oblivion . The rush of business is then always far too great to last . As it subsides it
deposits much rubbish with one or t \ vo legislative nuggets , like the Reform Act of 18 . , or the Corn-law Repeal Art of 1846 , at which the nation rejoices . Whether or not the sanction to be given to the-commercial treaty with France be oue of these , or whether , like the former treaty ,, concluded in 1787 , this treaty is to be interrupted by war before much benefit can well come from it , lies hid in the womb of time . . We can only write of present'hopes and present facts : the treaty is well intended ; the results are beyond the control of the two negotiating Governments .
We agree with every speaker of either party , that commercial treaties are , in the abstract , wrong . The particular treaty is only defended , - apparently , because it will enable the French Emperor , who finds the task difficult , despotic though he be , to carry through the free-trade measures he has announced . The French are not convinced by our great prosperity since 1 S ' that free trade is universallybeneficial . They are aware that under the restrictive system , amidst war , and blockades , and prohibitory orders in Council , England also made considerable progress . Her success then confirmed the old creed , that . progress was the result of restrictions intended to promote it . Except some wine-growers and the inhabitants of commercial towns ,
the bulk of the French are still favourable to protection and . prohibition ; as our landowners and ¦¦' shipowners , and even the bulk of our people were till a comparatively recent period ; Our wine duties , originally . ' . intended- to check the trade of France , and still preserved for revenue reason & , after the original-object is scouted : by every intelligent man , serve' to keep alive there old prejudices against free trade , especially against free trade with England , and strengthen the obstacles which stand in the Emperor's way . The two Governments being now allied , and the two nations disposed to be on friendly terms , to increase this disposition and cement their friendship the political obstacles to the extension of their mutual trade should be
removed . The Emperor proposes to do his part , but he is bound to monopolists till 1861 ; and they being very powerful , may even then be able to resist his avowed and good intentions . By at once modifying our wine duties as a condition of a treaty we shall strengthen his hands against his monopolist subjects ; Between now and next year the French will experience * as we shall experience , benefit ' from the reduction of our wine duties ; and he will then be able , we hope , aided by treaty obligations , to carry into effect his free-trade measures . The commercial treaty , therefore , not defensible on trade grounds , stands firm on the liigher grounds of general policy and humanity . Neither Mr . Cobden in promoting it , nor any other free-trader , nor any speaker in Parliament , can now believe that Governments can in any degree promote the extension of tradeexcept by removing restrictions on it . Trade is mutual
, service , founded on the special advantages or peculiarities bestowed by nature on individuals and places , causing exchanges which are ' beneficial to all . It is as natural a growth as population , —¦ as grapes in oue climate and strawberries in another , It is carried on by individuals for their own benefit , not by nations in their corporate capacities . . It is one part of the individual industry by which all are led ; and Governments-Jiavc no more to do with it than with ploughing or weaving . They , never , in fact , interfere with any part of this " natural and noccssitey- business without deranging it . Commercial treaties may " remove some restrictions , but thoy necessarily impose some . Every regulation is a restriction . They aw , at no time , per fie , defensible , but regarded as instruments for attaining the high political objects adverted to , thoy may be justifiable We imprison and hang our itfluw-croaturcs , exfBH i
, M VVF »« VP >»« r-mM pf- ^^ - Jl ^^ fll pecting thereby to prevent crime ; so we agree to a commercial , treaty , expecting thereby to allay prejudices and promote tho Iriemlly union of two nations long accustomed to regard each other as rivals or enemies . It will only increase trade as it sets trade free . Some loose statements ore . made about wine being a luxury , and therefore 11 proper object oC taxation . It is made a luxury to the ¦ multitude by high duties . " They stand , " said tho Chancellor of the ' Exchequer" like a wall of brass between a poor man and
. , a glass of wine . " Pictures , statues , books , newspaper * cm » all luxuries in tho same smiso an wiiuv Afini has existed without it and without them , and can exist without it i \ nd without thorn .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 28, 1860, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_28011860/page/7/
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