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A CAUTION TO ITALY. Lobd PAiiMEBSTON has...
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SADLEIR'S AllT OF BOOK-KEEPING. In Decem...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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A Na.Tal War. It Was A Greek Saying, Tha...
and Spain , allowed that the caaraefcer of the ship should determine tlie earga ; te & b < hETHQ ^ her next naval war ibund it necessary to restmie , m all their rigour , tlie maxims of her ancient code , ana hy feh « © perpow ^ ring operati on of her decree * provoked that Armed Neutrality w-hiek , headed by 0 ATHC ? 3 itifrB II ., included nearly aH tlie continental states of Europe . Still , in spite of tthis stupendous coalition , the advantages conferred on Great Britain , by the extent of her fleets , and the destructive
effect of her right of search and her blockades , enabled her to triumph , and to © marge from the war confirmed in her maritime supremacy . That example was followed during the wars of the Revolution . The trade of the neutral states was interrupted almost as completely as that of the belligerents . Scarcely a vessel could show itself 3 , t sea , in- any part of the world , without breaking the limits of some fictitious blockade , without being searched , and condemned to seizure . The general peace left the
maritime code of Europe untouched , with all its uncertainties and barbarities ; though the United States have unremittingly endeavoured to procure , in this respect , a revision of the public law of nations . Upon the commencement of the war with Russia , orders in council were issued in England , announcing certain relaxations of her practice in respect of the neutral flag ; but it was distinctly and emphatically declared that the relaxation was exceptional , and was not to be construed into a change of policy or an abandonment of doctrine .
The Paris declaration surprised the American Government . That Government , of course , could not but acquiesce in a declaration which established its peculiar principles as the international law of the Old World , "but its assent is limited to the second , third , and fourth points . The right of privateering Trill not be surrendered by the United States ¦ while their navy remains upon its present inferior scale . It has not been the policy of their Government to keep up , during peace , all the machinery of war ; they could not
encounter , with their public armed ships , the enormous fleets that would certainly be fitted out by Great Britain . At the same time , the United States are not exempt from naval attacks , and , therefore , to compensate for their deficiency in the organized means of defence , they rely upon tlie conversion of the large merchant service into a fleet of cruisers , to let be loose all over the world , to protect American commerce , and give employment to
the huge navies of Europe . The abolition of privateering , according to the American argument , would strengthen an enemy ' s means of attacking the United States , and diminish their resources of defence . The English argument is , that to surrender the right of privateering and the right of search without any reciprocal concessions on tho part of America , is to impair the foundation of our maritime power . In the event of war , a thousand cruisers would bo armed in tho American r > orl ; s , and
terrify the English trader in every sen . Neither our Indian nor our colonial trade would bo safe : a largo proportion of our naval forces must bo engaged as convoys , another largo proportion , must bo occupied in maintaining those blockades which , during tlio lnst great maritime struggle , ivo established by a ponful of ink and a sheet of paper . Tho term Filibuster was first applied to British cap tains by French writers , when , in 1801 , tho right of search was enforced in every sea , and whon tho enemy ' s trade was destroyed , under whatever- flfig it was carried on . It' is certain that tho exorcise of this right was calculated to increase prodigiously tho power of England
during a saval- war . Tlie dfcyec & M * tfei * it &* barbarous i > o maJfce war upon ^ riva * e 4 n < fe » rests »¦ one- of" the fallacies inseparable fi * on > political s © ntifflien . tau ' t £ ; Ali wars , all * felocfkades , are directed against private interests j nor ar & private interests attacked more grievously when neutral ships are forbidietejsb tocarry enemy ' s goods , than when the enemy ' s goods are seized in his own vessels . It is b y injuring 1 the personal and private interests of individuals that nations are exhausted , and restrained from the continuance of war .
The abandonment of the right of search , and the declaration that free ships make free goods , may increase the courtesies of modern warfare , but they amount to a serious departure from the historical policy of Englandthe policy that made her naval power supreme . What was the reason of this sacrifice ? Where was its necessity ? It was natural that France , Russia , and Prussia should denounce the principles of a maritime code
which have always operated to their detriment ; but why the British Government , without consulting the Legislature , or securing the reciprocity of the United States , should yield a right which enabled England to defeat the Armed Neutrality , is inconceivable . It would almost appear as if the powers interested in forcing us into an American war had cajoled Lord Paxmebstobt into this unfortunate capitulation .
At all events , when tlie probabilities of a naval war are discussed , it should be remembered that our means of offence have been diminished by this act of X / ord PaiiMEKston's Cabinet , and that while we repudiate the co-operation- of privateers , our enemy would send them flying before every wind , harassing and threatening our commerce wherever a ship can float .
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A Caution To Italy. Lobd Paiimebston Has...
A CAUTION TO ITALY . Lobd PAiiMEBSTON has thought it necessary , in the most public place and in the most emphatic manner , to caution the Sardinian Government . England , lie says , would regard any aggressive act on the part of Sardinia as unfriendly to herself . This is a new development of mystification . It is a menace to the Liberal party in Italy , it implies a want of confidence in Sardinia , it furnishes Austria with a quotation to prove to the Italians that they have not the sympathy , and will not have the support , of England . Austria is tho aggressor in Italy . It is not Sardinia that threatens Austria ; it is
Austria that threatens Sardinia . Her military camps , formed with unprecedented celerity , have been planted close to the Sardinian frontier . Her system of occupation resembles a beleaguering line drawn round the Piedmontese territory . The peace of Italy is disturbed by lier violence ; she thrusts her protectorate upon tho Duchies j her armies are everywhere present , her propagand is everywhere active , yet Lord Palmekston insinuates a suspicion that the policy of Piedmont is aggrosaive . At tho same time , tho Austrian journals and the Neapolitan crown lawyers are endeavouring to persuade the Italians under their domination that Piedmont is in a stnto of disastrous
anarchy . Really , tho police of tho Continent aro enabled to damage the Liberal cause sufficiently by falsehood and defamation without tho aid of the British Premier . Tho friends of order may be well assured that , into whatever course of policy Count Oavouii may be forced , there are men in Italy who will not resign themselves to Austrian despotism . Italy will turn , against her oppressors . Tho Tory prints in England , discerning this consummation in tho distance , regret that they have avowed
' jtfeei * «^ aapstliijr wfth , the e $ uso * o # Heteaak < i & depen < iieae &><«^ -a sympathy , arising ea & reip out of a > < foeire * Q ~ djise * iedi fc tibe . WtigSi 3 Efae [ Triple Alltaaace ba » 4 ea £ $ ealed the iata of the people of Italy . Ifcaaee * mA Austria , * ar doubt , woujd combine to sisroe soetefcr , au £ England might play her false aadJifctle part 5 but empires ape not moert powerfiai wiheak they make the greatest display « £ their
power , nor is the rule of Austria ; in Ita & r rendered more secure hy the fact that ribe . aa compelled to make military denaonstratioafl at every point io repress th « rifting spirit o £ the nation . "We are mot to forget that w < hidt closet politicians , who write ¦ without knowledge of the movements in progress , affect : to set aside , that twenty-five millions of a brave and cultured people are impafcien * for the release of their beautiful land from .
foreign occupation . They may be taunted with the fate of Sicily , and threatened with the fate of Brescia ; but they know the price of liberty , and they know , also , that the despotism of Austria is not the only despotism in Europe that is reared on hollow foundations . There is reason to believe that intimate relations have recently been established between the Piedmontese and Prussian Governments ; tbat a strong party in the Duchies of Parrna and Tuscany is prepared to resist the progress of Austrian encroachment ; that the great Powers are not agreed on the Italian question ; that the Papal Cabinet is at variance with that of Vienna on
important points . That the great Powers are not in harmony is proved by the language of the Prussian journals , and by that of the Central German organ , which affirm , with , not less earnestness than Count Cavchjb , that the Austrian occupation of Italy is a source of evil ; that Austria will not be permitted to drag the German Confederation into a course of action unfavourable to the Italian people ; and that , if she undertakes the enterprize , she will undertake it alone . This is an important aspect of the crisis- —for a crisis there is , though it may develop itself slowly . _
" In 1848 , " remarks the Correspondaiwe Italienne , " Piedmont had to encounter the hostility of the whole German body . In 1856 it " accredits a special envoy to the Diet of Frankfort , and receives from Prussia only cordial assurances of friendship and good .-will . " Thus the policy of Austria enr counters obstacles which are entirely omitted from the calculations of certain English writers .
The Italian nation can only regard those movements in tlie light of useful checks upon the violence of Austrian policy . Their own destinies must bo worked out by their own hands . AVheu the Opinione bids them confide in diplomacy , they listen to the reply of the Diritto and the Unione , and refuse to put their trust in foreign statesmen any more than in foreign soldiers .
Sadleir's Allt Of Book-Keeping. In Decem...
SADLEIR'S AllT OF BOOK-KEEPING . In December last the Tipperary Bank , tho lever by which John Sadlki r dragged up resources when ho specially required them , was in imminent danger of that final smash which happened in tlie spring . It was very noceasary to raise n hundred thousand pounds ; John Sadt / rih thought that that sum could
bo drained by persuading certain Jtaglish shareholders to part with their money and lodge it in Tipperary Bank shares ; ior that purpose it wan necessary to make tho bank , then in a state of hopeless insolvency , appear to bo a flourishing concern . Tho sums in its coffers' muBt appear to have incroaaedi rta business-connexion must hiive-mcreanedi tho customers' accounts and balances must iwwo
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 28, 1856, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_28061856/page/11/
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