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March 29, 1851.] ®t)C HcaftCW 287
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l'oiiniON 1'r.ouR.—A short conversation ...
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1IIN MAIN FUROL'KAN QUESTIONS . Louis Na...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Parliament Of The Week. Papal Aggression...
miniature of a penal law . ( Hear , hear . ) It had been said , in taunt , to a right honourable friend of his , that he had not yet made up his mind whether this measure was a nullity or a persecution . If it was a measure that wounded , that insulted—{ hear )—that put upon paper a declaration of religious inequality— - { hear , hear )—then it might be a nullity as respected giving satisfaction to the public feeling of England , but it was a persecution as regarded the consciences of Roman Catholics—( chee * s )~ and both a nullity and a persecution in their essence might verjr well be combined , and had , he feared , been combined in this little measure . ( ' If ear , ' and cheers . ) If they wished to exercise a beneficial influence over the
Boman Catholics , he called upon Parliament to reverse their policy—to endeavour to attach them by a kindly legislation , to deal out to them in the strictest manner equal justice—( hear , hear )—to repress with the greatest watchfulness and vigour in them , as in all other religious bodies , any disposition to Egression upon the temporal sphere , but subject to that limitation to deal with them kindly . It wa 9 admitted the lioman Catholics of England had been distinguished by their loyalty . They had , then , something to work upon ; feelings and affections which they might turn to account . ( Cheers . ) But if they drove the Roman Catholics back upon the Pope—if they met them with enactments which showed their disposition to go backwards , they could only expect to
find the Catholics alienated and estranged in England , where they were a body ^ comparatively insignificant in numbers , and to find that the difficulties they would have to encounter on the other side of the Channel , where the Catholics formed an overwhelming majority , would be fearfully increased . " The noble lord ( Lord John ) had appealed to them teh other night in the names of Hampden and Pym . He ( Mr . Gladstone ) had a reverence for those men because they were engaged in resisting oppression , but he would rather have Hampden and Pym quoted upon any other question than upon legislation against Roman Catholics , because there was one blot on their escutcheon , and on the character of their party , it was that bitter and ferocious intolerance which in
them became more painful and odious , because it was directed against Roman Catholics at home . ( Hear . ) Mr . Diskaeli could not agree with Mr . Roebuck and those opponents of the bill who described the Pope as a poor and feeble priest . The Pope was a prince of very great power , if not the greatest . Between regular and secular clergy he had at his command an army of one million priests , governed by a thousand bishop and archbishops . It was absurd to say that that power was to be treated in the same manner , and considered in the same spirit as the Wesleyan conference , or to be associated with the last invention of Scotch dissenters . It was a gross
mistake to discuss this question on abstract grounds . Let them look to the actual circumstances of the day . On the one hand a great revival of Catholicism in Europe , and on the other a counter-revival of Protestantism in England . "What might be the issue of the impending struggle between the two conflicting principles no one could foretel . The possible result was one which made him . shudder . Meantime , it was the duty of Government to adopt such a course as was best calculated to avert these evils . After discussing the Government measure he argued that a better proceeding was suggested by Lord Stanley—to rest satisfied at present with a
formal protest , and found a vigorous measure upon fuller information . Dwelling upon the faults and fallacies contained in the bill , he yet felt himself deburred from criticism , because , not being a friend of Lord John Russell ' s , he was bound to respect his feelings . Believing the measure utterly insufficient , he should vote for the second reading for the same reason as that urged by Sir F . Thesiger , stating his hope that it might be improved in another stage . Adverting to some passages in the address of Sir J . Graham , lie alluded to the probable junction of the right honourable baronet with the Ministry , and predicted that no Government could stand which did
not make the preservation of our Protestant Constitution the guiding Btar of their policy . Sir Gkokui : Gkky viewed the measure not as an attack upon the liberties of others , but a defence of our own . Hecontended that the Legislature was justified in interfering , and the Government well advised in constructing tlie bill now before tho House . After a few remarks from Mr . P . Howard , the House divided , "when the numbers wore : — I '' or the Hecond reading 4 ' , iH fox the amendment Ufl Majority • « M « 'I
Lord John Hussein stated that on Monday , he would fix a day for the bill going into committee . 1 ° _ ° ul ( l llot appoint a day before a fortnight aftci the Easter recess . Ho proposed to take the Army -Estimates on Friday , and would then mato when tho Hudget would be proposed . Tho House adjourned « t a quarter past three till Thursday . Lord LYNimunsT , in the House of Lords , on ¦ I nuradny evening , called the attention of Miniate ™ Jo the proceedings of " Tho Central National Italian Committee , " in London , whoso object was to keep up a apirit of insurrection in Italy , with a view to tho establishment of a central republic in that country . After referring to tho loan which had Deon opened | in London for promoting tho ropub-Jioan causo in Italy , ho went on to say that uuIuhh
these proceedings were put down , the revolutionists on the Continent would fancy that the British Government was favourable to their designs , while our allies would naturally view the conduct of Ministers with suspicion . Another society to which he wished to call attention was " The Central Domestic European Committee , " formed for the avowed purpose of encouraging insurrectionary projects in every part of Europe . There was another case of a still more flagrant nature . There was an association called " The Central Committee of
Hungarian Refugees , " -who had lately prepared a proclamation of a most inflammatory character , addressed to the Hungarian troops serving in Italy , calling upon them to desert , and pointing out how they could do so with most damage to Austria . He would not recommend a public persecution , which would be slow in progress , and perhaps uncertain in its results . But he thought Government ought to renew the Alien Act , which
was allowed to expire last session . Earl Grey said the matter had been under Lord Palmerston ' s consideration for some time , and he would , no doubt , take such steps as might be deemed necessary . Ag for asking Parliament to renew the Alien Act , nothing but the most urgent and flagrant necessity would warrant Government in asking , or Parliament in granting more power than the executive possesses at present . The Earl of Aberdeen said the noble
earl had not said whether lie disapproved of the proceedings of the refugees . Earl Grey , instating that Lord Palmerston now had his attention directed to the subject , thought he had announced as clearly as he could , that the Government disapproved of such proceedings . Lord John Russell , in moving for leave to introduce a bill sanctioning the appointment of a new Vice-Chancellor , expressed his disapproval of that division of the Lord Chancellor ' s functions which had been suggested . He proposed that there should be a court , to be called the Supreme Court of Chancery , or the Lord Chancellor ' s Court , in which should sit the Lord Chancellor , the Master of the Rolls , and one of the judges in the courts of law to be summoned
from time to time ; that any two of them should have the power of hearing causes , and that , in the absence of the Lord Chancellor , the other two judges should have the same power . The salary of the Lord Chancellor it was proposed to fix at £ 10 , 000 , leaving the retired allowance the same as now , namely , £ 5 , 000 . It was further proposed to vest the ecclesiastical patronage now administered by the Lord Chancellor yi the Crown , to be exercised by the First Minister , taking the pleasure of the Crown . Several members condemned the proposed measure . Mr . Roundell Palmer said he feared it would prove acceptable neither to the profession , the suitors , nor the public . Leave having been given to bring in the bill , it was read a first time .
A short discussion took place on a motion made by Mr . Anderson , in favour of the imposition of import duties on Spanish goods , by way of retaliation for their having imposed heavy duties on imports from England . Mr . Laiiodcheue admitted that Spain had acted in a very unfriendl y and one-sided spirit in the matter ; but negotiations were going on which might possibly result in a satisfactory arrangement , if not , then it might be necessary to adopt retaliatory measures . After a short discussion Mr . Anderson consented to leave the question in the hands of Ministers . A division was called for , however , when the numbers were : — For the resolution f / , 1 Against it <) # Majority against — \ fr
March 29, 1851.] ®T)C Hcaftcw 287
March 29 , 1851 . ] ® t ) C HcaftCW 287
L'Oiinion 1'R.Our.—A Short Conversation ...
l'oiiniON 1 ' r . ouR . —A short conversation took place in the House of Lords on Monday , on the competition to which the flour trade of England uud Ireland id exposed by the large importations from France . The Furl of JJtuait said the mill property in Ireland was almost completel y destroyed by the operation of free-trade . Farl Grey could see no cause ( or alarm . If any one would r < fleet . for a single mom . nt , he would se <; that it was absolutely impossible that the advantage should not be on the side of the English miller . Our iuu < : hiiu > ry ; nul meehunicid ingenuity surpassed that of all other countries , and then wo had the . advantage of cheap coal , compared with the French . Lord Stanley did not think the cheapness of coal would bo of much advantage to milla chiefly driven by water power .
1iin Main Furol'kan Questions . Louis Na...
1 IIN MAIN FUROL'KAN QUESTIONS . Louis Napoleon ' s case stands on the following terms , in order that he may bo reeled ed , or that he may obtain a prolongation of hi . s power , tho Con-Htitutionof 1848 must bo oithw revised or annihilated . Now the revision or modification of the Constitution in reserved among ; the exclusive ; attribute * of the Constituent Assembl y . A Constituent Assembly must , result from an election on the lmmdr . it Imihih of umveraal suffrage ; and the convocation oi « uch nn Assembl y must be sanctioned by n majority of three-fourths of tho present , or Legislative Ahwjiubly : all thin must be brought to pit . ™ previous to the month of May , 18 / 12 . It is reckoned pretty accurately , that two-thirds of the National Asaembl y at tho present day would not
hesitate to declare in . favour of a revision of the Constitution . Unfortunately , two-thirds are not equal to three-fourths , and the remaining third is made up of stubborn republicans as well as of men who have some respect for the laws of the country— . such as they are ; and the President has no chance whatever with the Assembly . But the majority—those two-thirds who would be favourable to a revision of the Constitution—are the very men who brought about the electoral law of May 31 , by which from three to four millions of Frenchmen were robbed of their right of vote ; and they are consequently reluctant to give their consent
to the election of a Constituent Assembly ; an election which , by the terms of the Constitution and by the consent of all free nations , ought to be based on the suffrage of all . Any bill for a revision of that nature should , moreover , in compliance with , the letter of the Constitution , go through three successive readings—at the interval of three months from each other , —and , besides , could only acquire the force of the law two months after the last reading . The present Assembly must , consequently , be at work at least eleven months , or say a year , before an appeal could be made to the sense of the nation by the means of a general election . The attainment of his object through legal means is , therefore , almost materially out of the question :
and Louis Napoleon has looked in vain for a stead y support to the army and the people . Vain have been the Champagne reviews : vain the triumphal progresses : vain the appeal to the Municipal Councils . And yet the difficulty is not as to the probable result of the election , but merely as to the means of coming to the election itself without too outrageous a violation of the fundamental laws of the country . The nation at large—that is , nowadays , the million of shopkeepers ; the Assembly—that isT its reactionary majority—Legitimists , Orleanists , and other partisan ? , however personally hostile to the President , can see no safety for France—that is , no furtherance of their own views—save only in the prolongation of the present Executive .
With such a quasi-unanimity of wishes and interests , it is very clear that the knot that cannot be untied must be cut . The Club of the Rue des Pyramides , the Conservatives of the Elysee party , have given a hint as to the best means of going to -work . On the motion of Leon Faucher , they propose that the electoral law of the 31 st of May be adopted as an organic law , applicable to all elections , whether national , provincial , or municipal : they would move , also , that the Pxesidential election be postponed till the year 1854 .
The scheme is sufficiently sensible , and as likely to be adopted as the bill for putting of ! " the election of the National Guards . The only difficulty consists in finding the man who will " bell the cat . " The President , it must be remembered , at the present moment has none but men of straw for a Ministry : some statesman of name and ability is required for the job now in contemplation , and all intrigues for the formation of a coalition Cabinet have been hitherto foiled by the jealousy and bad faith of the several Conservative parties . There is only one man in all France not insuperably obnoxious to the President ,
and yet possessed of a sufficient authority to reconcile the French to the arbitrary measures that are now deemed indispensable for their own good—and that is , Odilon Iiarrot . Hut Odilon liarrot —blessings on his name !—is a stickler for legality . He has no objection to the revision of the constitution ; but he will abide by every line of" it till it is lawfully repealed : and insists that the President should begin by . stepping down from his exalted position , at the expiration of his term , and withdraw into private life with all the signal self-denial of a Washington or a Jefferson .
'I his intimation is not of a nature to flatter the ambition of the "Nephew , " who , consequently , jo »« on with his present no-Ministry , with hin men of " oflice without , power . "
The . se diflieulties and uncertainties havo a fatal effect on the spirits of the ; French nation : and as the time of tht ; great erinis draws near , an anxious anticipation of coming . storms begins to prevail . The papers are full of the stagnation in the trade ; and movement both of the capital and the provinces : and commercial distress in truth prepares the country for future discontent and disturbance . Government is carried on with tin ; greatest east ; notwithstanding . Louis Napoleon iind his minority Cabinet leap over nil obstacles with tin ; lightness of the winning horse at a steeple chase .
1 he disturbances at , St . Amiiml , ' and in many other districts , arising from the drawing of the Conscription , are quelled with the leant possible show of violence . All rcninnMranees raised in the Assembl y on the subject of the dissolution of the National ( iuartl of Strasbourg , or on the subject of the expedition against the Kubyles , are disposed of in all in-HtauceH by the adoption of the ordm du jour , pur < t , simple , always by considerable majorities . I'lvery measure the object of which is merel y to knock the people on the head , in sun ; of strong support on the part of the obliging Legislators . The hawking of newspapers about thchttrootH is now to be put down .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 29, 1851, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_29031851/page/3/
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