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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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News Of The Week- ™. ^ ^^Vlsg^Fe V^ $ Fs...
NEWS OF THE WEEK- ™ . ^ ^^ vLSg ^ fe V ^ $ fSSSS ^^ SSUH ™ ^ BSS * *«* ^^ > 15 - Parliament of tho Week 698 Mr . Urquhart on Omer Pacha ... 704 Paupers . . 709 J ^ uses 715 Our Civilisation 701 Court and "Fashion " .... 704 M . Manin ' . 710 PORTFOLIONotes on the War 702 Kossuth ' s Success in . Glasgow ... 705 « D-M ^ iiMr .. a oiw »™ . ¦ ¦ , . Continental Notes 702 Miscellaneous 705 OPtN COUNCIL— . A Uergymans Experience of Australia I ... ' ... " . ' .. 702 „ .. „ .. . .- . ,. Officers and Gentlemen 710 society 716 Canada . 70 S PUBLIC AFFAIRS— " Pro Slavery "Influence of the THE * RTSSpain ... . 703 Ministers Accounting to Parlia- ' Zeader 710 Diorama nfth ^ Wn * - „ Egypt 703 ment 706 An Ethnological Suggestion ... 710 Th ^? £ l \ l China ... 703 How to Make the War Pay 708 , „ Theatres 717 Cholera . 7 o 3 The New Cape Governor 707 LITERATURE- \ _ Commexeial Morality—a Hudson Atmosphere of the House of Summary . 711 Births Marriages and Deaths 717 Era in New York * 701 . Commons .... 708 Dangers to Eneland 71 * sirens , marriages , anaueatns ... 717 How toDealwith Necessary Evils 704 The Domestic Moloch 70 & History of the Reitrns ' of Louis COMMERCIAL AFFA 1 RSdav ^ tnotland ^ " SUn " 7 H 4 . ? hS . SS * Weather - ~• W » ^ XVIII . and Charles X . . 71 S City Intelligence . Markets , Adaaym tocotlana ....... 701 . Cholera .,.. , 70 S > Catholic Union 714 vertisements , & c ....,...... ! . 717-720
Vol.. V. No. 227.] Satuhda.Y, Jttiiy 29,...
VOL .. V . No . 227 . ] SATUHDA . Y , JTTIiY 29 , 1854 . ~ [ Price Sixpence .
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I N that sort of interest which comes nearest to mankind in a country of steady Government and safely-placed " affairs" like England , " cholera" becomes the question of this -week , and the most vitally important debate of the five Parliamentary days -was to lxave taken place last night on the bill to re-constitute the Board of Health . The House in dealing with the measure has looked beyond the petty personal questions in whioh Lord Seymour , as the snubbed of Mr . Chadwick , would have involved the anti-choleraic legislation ; and the country ,
which seems timidly trusting to the authoritiesto this has Bureaucratism brought us— -will not be disposed to admire Lord Palmerston for the dashing indifference in which lie has left the fate of the only sanatory measure we can hope to get tbis year—endangered by tbe compact opposition organised by the general detestation in influential quarters , of the unlucky Mr . Chadwick , who thinks , foolish man , that he can servo a country upon some other condition than serving sanatory patriots . The Bill ought not to have been postponed ; and certainly last night ' s business presented nothing worth delaying it for .
There is very great exaggeration , no doubt , about the cholera ; it is not incurable , and with proper care , it is , perhaps , not even contagious ; but it is spreading over the country with a rapidity and intensity sufficiently remarkable to suggest that vigorous efforts , by the " authorities" and by individuals , are demanded to repress what , vmrepressed , would , in certain miserable districts , as on the firat year of its visit , under circumstances not more " favourable" than the present , spcodily assurno the character of a plague .
Next to this question of preserving our own lives , the next important topic is with respect to slaughtering tho Russians . Progress luin undoubtedly been made in this respect in satisfying the national ardour : wo have forced from certain Ministers explanations which the more timid of them cannot got explained away ; and there is soiuo hope that tho demand of a business-like nation will bo appeased , —the governing powera consenting to make tho war « real war . Certainly , in tho debate on Monday , wo had some unpleasant surprises aa to tho facts , ^ hieu wo are constantly overlooking , of our constitution—which ia
resolutely monarchical " : Lord John Russell bluntly telling the sectionally restive representative institutions ( which had voted nearly all the supplies ) that they only were put into work at her Majesty ' s good pleasure—a profound truth which startled the multitude , who seldom calculate the Crown , almost as much as the other truth brought but by the Duke of Newcastle in his Sheffield communication—that it was the Sovereign and not public meetings , who made war , and drew treaties , and arranged peace . But when the Sovereign acts
in . accordance with the wishes of the nation , the nation , which , is practical , 13 content ; and we may see evidences in Monday and Tuesday s debate that public opinion had its usual success in England—in forcing forward the Government—which , if public opinion will continue watchful , in Parliament and press , may be forced still further . We cannot take tbe view that Lord John ' s truly British speech" was mere Whig clap-trap , meant only as a bid against Lord Aberdeen : or , if it was clap-trap , let us turn it into reality , by holding the conspiring Whig 3 to their chief ' s declarations . What , indeed , may
give to the majority the most confidence , \ s tbe calm , dignified , and consistent conduct of Lord Aberdeen . He was greatly blamed because in asking the vote of credit from tho Lords ho made no " statement" and no appeal ; but tbe scrape Lord John got into was Lord Aberdeen ' s justification for reserve—that is in Lord Aberdeen ' s own eyes—Lord Aberdeen having a great contempt for Parliamentary Government . A better justification is suggested in the questionwhy should two Ministers make one statement ? Lord Aberdeen ia always ready to leave talking to any one—oven at the risk of their talking claptraps to his . injury .
For the present it is to bo hoped we shall hoar no more about tbo divisions of tho Cabinet on tho war ; all wo can require of our Ministers is that they should act together 5 and all the principal moml > crs of tho Government have now said the name thing of tho war—that it must go on until a peace perfectly and permanently protective of tho Sultnn can bo ( secured , which we fancy will bo a loner time honoe . Lord Palmeraton saiil on
Monday that Lord John had spoken the opinions and intentions of tho whole Cabinet ; and aa the speech satisfied , the whole Cabinet is entitled to a participation in tho temporary popularity . But disunion in the Government , in respect to other matters , has claarly not ceased . The scone'
between Lord Palmerston and Mr . Wilson is a Parliamentary scandal ; and as it is easily seen that Mr . Wilson would not have made his bold stand against a powerful Parliamentary noble unless the chief in his owns department had supported him secretly , there is an unpleasant inference that there is disagreement between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Home Secretary . We believe Mr . Wilson is right in his view of the bill ; and even were he -wrong we could not join in the indignation of the " liberal , " perhaps rather democratic , press at the " audacity " " subordinate" like the Secretary to the Treasury , who happens to be a much cleverer and much better informed man
than Lord Palmerston , in resisting the dictation of a great aristocratic leader . In the affair of Mr . Baines , the other day , and , more recently , in the affair of Mr . Strutt , we detect the supreme insolence of the great Parliamentary nobles in their treatment of the intellectual , but merely middleclass men who condescend to take the livery of a Government class instead of becoming , by right of brains , the Governing class themselves . But
the public , which is middle class , should put a stop to this ; and there is the opportunity in this instance — for Lord Palmerston disdaining the " sheer nonsense" of Mr . Wilson , forced the House of Commons to go into a Committee on a bill , which when committed , is ascertained to be a heap of blunders , impracticable and unworkable . Lord Palmerston has a very fallacious reputation for excellence at the Home Oflllcc : —now
this is an exact sample of las method of doing business everywhere—for he is only a clever and not an accurate man ; and he ought to be punished for impertinent dogmatism against a man of the authority of Mr . Wilson ( for whom , on tho other hand , wo havo no liking ) on all commercial questions . Tho bill is not wanted ; and tho bill will not work . And if it bo wanted—because of the
assumed scoundrolism of Englishmen who arc supposed to bo ready to make money even at England ' s expense—ought wo to honr anymore praises of ouvselvea—Lord Palmorstou excels i « themas a patriotic , spirited , chivalrous , & o . & c , set of people ? Tho bill was an insult to tho country , and wus only accidon tally v « w * l as an absurdity because it was introduced by the silliest of noble Lorda ; its real character baiug ascertained , tho House of Commons should kick it out . Tlie othor Parliamentary incidents axe not numerous . Tho Bribery Bill is finished at last and
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 29, 1854, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_29071854/page/1/
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