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1192 THE LEADE B. fNo. 501. Oct. 29, 185...
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cause he entertained no doubt that that ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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1192 The Leade B. Fno. 501. Oct. 29, 185...
1192 THE LEADE B . fNo . 501 . Oct . 29 , 1859 .
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Cause He Entertained No Doubt That That ...
cause he entertained no doubt that that corruption ¦ would yet be entirely extirpated . He adverted , in affecting terms , to the many changes thathad taken place since his last appearance in Edinburgh twenty - fire years ago , and expressed his pain to think that he ¦ was the survivor now of nearly all his private friends . One change , however , he found of a more happy description—he had survived those rancours and delusions of party which then to some extent prevailed , those delusions which allowed no merit in an . adversary , and admitted no fault in a friend . Referring to the affairs of Italy , he said that whatever motive had originated the late war , a certain amount of good had come out of it—a very great
. ^ POLITICAL FOBESHADO ^ VI ^ GS . The entertainment by the citizens of Edinburgh , to Lord Brotjgham took place on Wednesday . In reply to the toast of his health the veteran statesman said that he considered this invitation and this reception as one of the two greatest honours that had crowned a not very short life . His being chosen to represent the great county of York was the other . He referred to the instances of gross bribery and corruption lately disclosed in England , and expressed his great gratification that in Scotland electoral corruption did not exist at all . Until it was extirpated with a steady unflinching , and strong hand the constitution of this country would be upon its trial . That it would survive he entertained no doubt ,
bestep had been made towards the independence of the Italian people ; and his . hope was to see them under the King of Sardinia , as the only practicable mode of insuring their independence . Alluding to France , he pictured the great tempter holding out before that nation the laurel , the emblem of warlike glory , and expressed his hope that the French would not be deceived by it . '; and he described Mm as addressing that people as follows : " Seek glory by all means . . No price is too great to pay for it ; no sacrifice too large to make for it ; let your names be . blazoned—let your names be written in brilliant letters of fire , and if the conflagration spreads you can extinguish it with blood , while the air rings with
the cries of misery I Glory at all hazards ; glory at all cost ; glory will be well and cheaply purchased by the blood of thousands and the wretchedness of millions . Will our neighbours listen to the tempter ? I am sure the rational and the respectable part—the great bulk of that great people—will turn with indignation from his words , and will not give ear . Even those whom he singles out—the weaker part of them , whom he has chosen as most likely to be his victims and his dupes—the mob , armed and unarmed botlv—that part of the community I really do not think will be tempted by him . " Of the tempter among ourselves , hia lordship says : —When he " spreads his murky vans , and wings his
inauspicious flight" across the Channel , when lie tries his arts upon us , there he will fail to obtain audience for his words . He will not come over in a warlike garb ; he will leave his laurel behind him ; but he will come to us as a respectable , prudent , well-conducted councillor of gain and of trade j and he will say , The first of all objects is gain ; gain is worth all the glories that ever were fancied iti all the world ; let that be your aim ; study that . And so he tempts them with the golden apple , not with the laurel . Study gain ! Now , as gain is the first object , national independence may be very good — -it is a very good thing in its way ; but it may cost too dear ; you cannot be much worse off than you are ;*
you cannot be much more burdened than you are , happen what will ! But then I believe the meanest spirited individual in the whole British empire to whom he addresses those infernal words , would answer , Avaunt , Satan ! would refuse to listen to him , in other words . But the great body of the people of this country feel that there is but one safety for this country , and that is to bo prepared ( tyuS cheers ) by sea and by land , in every way in which an attack is possible , however unlikely . We don't' distrust our neighbours—very foT from it —we trust them , but we trust ourselves a great deal more— $ 6 ud applause )—and we do the best thingthe kindest flung both for those neighbours and for
and added , if the workmen may legally have recourse to a strike to compel a rise of wages , or any other concession , the employers may also legally resort to a lock-out to compel a reduction of wages , or an acceptance of any other terms .. " When I say this , I by no means approve a lock-out . Both may be legal , but very inexpedient j and it is very dangerous for either the one party or the other to exercise this extreme power . When such-intestine contests occur they are accompanied with most of the evils that attend national wars . The country , -which is the theatre of
the war , is devastated , property is destroyed , multitudes of innocent persons suffer , the belligerents on each side endeavour to do as much damage to the other side as possible , disease and crime and death follow in the track of war , and , after disaster has done its worst to both parties , very often , from sheer exhaustion , they patch up a peace which leaves both parties in much the same condition as they were before the beginning of the conflict . Another way in which unions encroach oh the rights of both masters and men is their dictation of the
manner in which work is to be executed . From the nature of these rules , they appear , to be devised by the most idle and unskilful men of the union , as they generally favour these at the expense of the industrious and skilful . For example , they insist that the wages shall be uniform ; that the man whose work is superior in quality , and quantity , shall receive no more than the man whose work is inferior and deficient . I have known operative masons , industrious , frugal , and skilful , who , by taking piecework and making extraordinary exertions , gained money enough to enable them to commence as masters , and , by good management , rise to great eminence . Had these men beerr doomed to the dead
level of an average wage , cramped and manacled by trade union rules , they never could have reached their eventual prosperity . The noble workmen , George Stephensbn , Telford , and Tredgold , laboured as journeymen at not more than 12 s . a-week . They , by the exercise of their free and unfettered talents , increased the power of the country , and added immensely to its wealth and happiness ; had they been fettered and confined by trades' union rules and control they would have died unknown and unhonoured , and Britain would have been deprived of the incalculable benefits resulting- from their exertions . Could the operatives have had their way , the nation would have been deprived of the incalculable benefits
which late inventions have conferred upon the community . There would have been no power-looms , no spinning-jennies , bo steam printing-press—in short , almost every invention which has abridged labour , and increased the comfort and wealth of the people has met with determined opposition from the operatives . One wonders how sensible men—men calling themselves free-born Britons—have so long submitted to the dictation of this secret tribunal . We are accustomed to laud free national constitutions , but freedom to act in all social relations in such a way as will be most conducive to a man ' s own happiness , uncontrolled either by prince or priest , or by any committee of his own trade , is the most invaluable of
social privileges . Britain has experienced the blessings of free trade , and I hope and believe that our countrymen are determined to resist every attempt to deprive them of this source of national prosperity , and will guard it with the greatest jealousy . . . At the meeting of the Hinckford Agricultural Club , the Right Hon , Wijlijam Beresjtord , M . P ., said that , on a retrospect of the last few years he reeretted to be obliged to say that he could not see a very great and distinct difference between a Conservative and a Liberal Government when they were in actual possession and installed . Conservatives in power were all for progress , and in that
enlightened mood they not only talked but acted extremely liberally . They actually proposed and passed the very measure which they had vituperated and of which they had . shown , the danger . Again , it was only fair to say that the Whigs when in office frequently assumed an extremely Conservative front and position . Long disquisitions on Liberal Conservatives and Conservative-Liberals had been iicard from Whig treasury benches , and' in the late session- —and particularly towards the close of it— - ho heard many members on his own side deprecate any proceeding adverse to the present Government ,
country by sea and land , have met with general approbation , and , as they are being vigorously carried out by pur successors , I hope that they will prove successful and permanent . I will not conceal from you that the introduction of steam and railroads has materially affected the security which this country formerly derivea from its insular position . ^ Large bodies of troops may now be suddenly collected and suddenly landed upon any part of the coast , and we should always be prepared to meet such an emergency . That preparation must consist in maintaining the fleet in such a state as to be perfectl y able to cope with any fleet that may be opposed to us . We must also be prepared to meet an enemy landine
with force sufficient , in the first instance , to check them until we can call out our reserves . Those reserves naturally consist of the militia of the country . We must also depend upon those volunteers whose zeal and exertions in the matter of drill are beyond all praise . Without previous drill their bravery and zeal would be thrown away . There is not the slightest doubt that if England were invaded the whole countrywould rise like one man to defend it . Where is the coward who would not dare to fight for such a land ? But without previous drill all volunteering efforts would be useless . I would , therefore , urge upon every county- to keep up its militia , if possible , to the full quota , and where volunteer corps exist to do
everything in its power to maintain them . I would remark upon a speech which was made by Mr . Bright at Wakefield . Mr . Bright stated at that meeting that over the money voted by Parliament for the army Parliament had little or no control . He stated that the Horse Guards , who spent the £ 12 , 000 , 000 voted in the estimates , was a department altogether separate from and independent of Parliament . I wish to show that money is not spent without the control of Parliament . The control of Parliament over the money voted for the army is our great safeguard against a standing army , and it is , I believe , a great constitutional privilege which I for one should be sorry to see dispensed with .
Mr . Bright is mistaken if he supposes that the Horse Guards has the power of spending a single shilling of that money . The army estimates are divided into twenty-five or twenty-six votes , every one of which is open to question and discussion , and all I can say is , that if Parliament does not exercise scrutiny and control . it is the fault of Parliament itself , and not of the Horse Guards . On Wednesday , at Dorking , the facetious Mr . Dkcmmohd , M . P ., delivered himself of a discourse upon the great question of the day . The hon . member remarked that the best way to provide for the national defences was to improve the condition of the soldier and the sailor . The people of
England are enormously rich , and not very long ago a very awkward return was made , showing that the increased income-tax paid by the landed and manufacturing interests amounted to a great deal more than the sum required for keeping up an efficient force , and that without trenching at all upon their personal comforts . He added , with respect to the rifleman , and , having had the honour of commanding a rifle corps , I will tell him that he must not be ashamed of getting behind a tree or a furze bush , but he must remember that his duty is to kill as many of the enemy as he can with the least possible loss .
With respect to our present condition as conipareu with the power of other nations , I can only say , it we have only 137 , 000 troops in our pay , in the name ot common sense , why are 97 , 000 of those men in India ? Depend upon it , if you lose London you will not hold India . One great inducement you have to keep up a warlike attitude is self-presorvation . Let 20 , 000 foreigners land upon the south coast ot England , as all authorities agree they could , ¦ a nd your dividends vrpuld be worth nothing at all . xt is a matter of life and death , and you must not sit still . You must fce defended by somebody , or you
will never be defended at all . r ,,,, At the festival of the Colchester Conservative Oluo , Mr . T . J . Mijclbb and Mr . P . O . Paimwon , , the members , in returning thanks , entered » nto reviews of public affairs since the last meeting of the ciu » , Mr . Mir . W 8 R [ saying that there was ia the present Cabinet such a diversity of politicians that nothing could come out of it imbued with high-minded principle . Mr . Pasullon hoped that we should see a strong Government established winch , If a caw calamity arose , would watch over us with suoce * s , and which , in its foreign policy , would maintain , a neutrality that would command the respect ot ociiur nations . ¦«»•„ Lord John Russell haa been solicited b y one m . John Davidson of Aberdeen to frame a JMorm J »¦»• that would simuly Drovide for the extension ot in »
franchise to £ 10 ia counties , and £ 0 * T bo ' T ° ' , ' n leaving other Reform questions alone . Lord joiih Russell simnfy oonveyed his thanks to the writer . It is probable Lord John Russell would bo happy tJ do as desired , but the difficulty would be in obtain ing the support of the country to a reform so snaiW and incomplete .
as the Conservative element in the Cabinet was very predominant . For his own part , instead of hailing with pleasure this approximation to the same creed between antagonistic parties who , for a century and a half , had held diametrically opposite opinions upon political matters and political conduct ^ ho viewed it with some suspicion and alarm . It arose , he feared , from a . dereliction of principle through an overweening desire to obtain power . - ' At an agricultural meeting General Fjbhl spoko upon the national defences , and also rebuked the notorious exaggerations of Mr . John Bright . He ea ^ d : —I trust that the measures which Lord Derby ' s Government took to strengthen the defences of the
ourselves , in being completely , absolutely prepared for whatever may happen , Mr . Adam Bi . aok , M , P ., has delivered a very , impressive and able lecture at Edinburgh upon the subject of strikes of workmen against masters , in the course of which he entered at length into the laws of supply and demand as aflfecting labour and tho relative interests of labour and capital . Ho o ] hawed with much clearness that labour and capital yre ^ e both articles of commerce , that they were QBIKintial to each other , and that capital muet necesw ^ ly ., and , proportionately share with labour the profits of tljoir united enterprise . He . pointed out thsmqana by which working men , when tho moment einmaa . waa opportune , might obtain hlghor -wages ;
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 29, 1859, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_29101859/page/4/
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