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    No. 438, August 14,1858.] THE LEADER. ga...

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    COLLEGIATE REFORM AT CAMBRIDGE. The time...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    England And America. A Dispute Is Always...

    forms its work , as it lias uniformly hitlierto performed it , languidly and witliout any realwish to prevent tlie slave-trade . " Here we have strongly set forth the determination to be right whatever the state of the case may be . l & ixi the Glebe , making a hash of the JSconomi & Fs joint of yesterday , and highly seasoning it with pepper to give It flavour , goes far beyond its leader in " earnestness . " In all the late arrangements made between the two Governments , the Globe will have it , there lias been nothing but " bubbling " on the side of America—Lord Napier and Lord Malinesbury have both of them been ; taken in fcy General Cass ; Xord Malmesbury ' s " flagrant gullibility , " in fact , would

    disgrace the veriest tyro in diplomacy . The Whig journal will be right . It is nothing to the party for whom the Globe strikes in . that we have not the right to compel America to send a single slave-preventive vessel into Cuban or African waters ; or that we have done nothing to prevent Spain from acting in open violation of treaty on this very subject of sJave-trading ; or that , indeed , all our efforts for the permanent suppression of the trade have been unavailing . " But the Northern and Southern United States , " says the Globe , " are—so far as regards the Slavery question—two nations , Anti-slavish and Pro-slavish . Till one of the two national divisions definitively

    triumphs , ah transactions with a Government widen cannot afford straightforward action in the matter , can only be Conducted on our part with a tacit consent to being made dupes , or with increasing risk that the two nations , as we have termed them , in America may , on some such pretence as this recent one _ about ' British outrages , ' be diverted from then- domestic difference by a time-serving and subdolous statesmanship , and combined in common antagonism to the ' old country . '" Now the danger , to our way of thinking , is precisely in this angry and contemptuous mode of

    ocalwg with a question which is peculiarly a two-sided one . The rights of the " Southern" division of the American nation are really not a whit less certain than , its power j and tli ( r policy of American statesmen may very well be regulated , in accordance with those rights , without being either time-serving , in the offensive sense of the term , or " subdolous /' America is not at one with herself upon the subject of slavery ; how then can she—or should she be expected to—act as if the anti-slavery opinions were dominant throughout her confederated states ?

    Her needs of black labourers are absolute ; on what footing the negro is standing with reference to the white population , is a problem yet to be worked out by the Americans , assuredly not under coercion from us . It is for us to be content , with the reward which conies to us from our sense of having done well in abolishing slavery in our own colonies : if slavery is a stain upon the national honour of America , it is for that country to purify its title to tlie world ' s esteem—as . we did , not so very long ago . But it does nothing towards helping America to reach our high moral standard to be continually

    abusing her statesmen , and charging them with bad faith , because they do not do the thing which wo demand of them , without having right or title on our side . The readiness ot the anti-slavery party here to believe any story of American diplomatic tergiversation or dishonour is a painful sign of spirit m winch we arc dealing with that country . In connexion with Mexico and Cuba , almost smy story of double-dealing nnd rascality on the part of the American Government is credited here . 1 'ilibustcr Walker ' s partisan , u General" Henningscn , has only to give an apparentl y circumstantial account of nn official

    communication made to him with a view to profekc a war between Moxico and Spain , under favour of'which Mr . Buchanan was to bring about his long-cherished scheme of adding Cuba to the number of Ihc United States , and the story is taken almost for gospel . But the desire of Mr . Buchanan to secure Cuba is so well known , his views have been so plainly expressed , that the idea of his resorting to any plan of realisation so nefarious as that described by

    llcnumgsen would never for n moment be entertained , tut for the wilful determination of this party always to think and believe the worst of all men and all things American . Mr . Buchanan ' s policy has always boon adverse to the admission of Mexico into the Union , and it is accepted by all sound American politicians . Ilia policy is that of having do outlying states , and it Jos on that principle that the Jrcderal Government declined to take possession of the Sandwich Islands .

    A wide track of debatcable ground separates Mexico from the United States ; it has a large alien population , speaking a foreign language ; and the country is in debt . These would be sufficient reasons to deter Mr . Buchanan from making any attempts to annex it , and . at the same time to do away the idea of his making a bargain with such men as Henningsen and his chief for its acquisition , even as a road to Cuba .

    No one acquainted with Mr . Buchanan ! s views denies that Cuba is an object of desire to him , and it stands upon a footing totally different to that of Mexico . Spain cannot keep order there , or protect friendly commercial visitors . Complaints of American traders are frequent . She cannot prevent the slave-trade . There is no doubt of the fact that a considerable body of its Spanish inhabitants would be glad to place it under a strong government . The chief opponents of annexation are the officials , with . whom the collection of revenue and perquisites is a chronic job . Another party is the Court of

    Spam , which simply- defers the sale of Cuba to America—Mr . Buchanan's proposition—on account of the large amount it screws out of the islanders annually , though strongly tempted by the offer of ready money to close the bat-gain . Mr . Buchanan's idea of buying Cuba is a matter of history ; but should a war break out with S p auij or any European power , purely naval and military considerations would oblige the Federal Government to take possession of the island ; and that , Ho doubt , with the hearty concurrence of the more energetic portion of its inhabitants .

    VV ' . e have stated all this before ; but it cannot be too often repeated . The English journals are remarkable for their want of information on American affairs ; for such information as they have is supplied to order , American statesmen being painted to pattern . General Cass is a rough , aud ready man , a block upon which the razor-edge of professional diplomacy may very readily blunt itself ; a man certainly not pleasant for those to deal wit . li who will be right . ' Mr . Buchanan is a lawyer , cautious , farsighted , the servant , not of any section of the Union , but of the Ttepublic . Perfectly independent , he did not canvass for the Presidency ; and he lias not

    made his administration a canvassing for re-election . These men , then , are not to be called time-serving or subdolous statesmen ; they are not the men to attempt i ; o maintain foreign relations by " bubbling " the representatives and ministers of great friendly powers ; and they are certainly not 'the men . to strike a bargain witli " General Henningsen" to get up a quarrel between two countries to cover an act of simple brigandage .

    No. 438, August 14,1858.] The Leader. Ga...

    No . 438 , August 14 , 1858 . ] THE LEADER . gar ~ - __ H ^__ l- _^^^^^^^^ . ^^ . ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ f ^ . ^^^ . ^^ . ^ _ _ j _ _ i _ - ——*— - — - ¦ - ¦ ¦ " * ^^ \^ U

    Collegiate Reform At Cambridge. The Time...

    COLLEGIATE REFORM AT CAMBRIDGE . The time having . expired for making legal objection to the changes recommended by the Cambridge Commissioners m the constitution of the University , the mortifications so suggested htivc acquired the force and validity of law , and will henceforth be embodied in the permanent code which regulates that great institution . As was clearly foreseen , however , the real work to be done in the way of reform lies not so much in the broad and common way of the University , as in the devious and antiquated paths of the various colleges . These , us most people arc aware , were founded at different times , by persons differing not more widely in station and fortune than in the ideas and objects with which they endowed them . Sonic of the colleges arc very rich in lands and livings , benefices and books : sonic arc comparatively poor ia the scope of their endowments , and disproportionately limited in the attractions and benefits they hold out , In others , again , tho enjoyment of such benefits is rigitlly restricted to persons educated at particular seminaries , or qualified in other special ways , the reasonableness and utility of which no longer appears . For centuries the letter of the founder ' s will has

    been scrupulously adhered to , to the neglect or forgctfidness of its obvious or presumable intentions . The result hus been an infinitely varied disparity and inconsistency in collegiate endowments considered as stimulants to national education , We ure ns much opposed us any to the application of blind rules ot uniformity in educational matters . We love diversity , for nature loves it , and we believe that its preservation is necessary for the true development of national mind and feeling . But there arc inequalities and associations which time has generated in our collegiate institutions that certainly ought to be corrected ; nnd there arc prevalent usages which have survived the wants and

    ideas of a mediaeval stale of society or the caprice of later periods , which every enlightened and impartial man desires to see reformed . The Cambridge Commissioners have , judiciouslv we think , resolved to "deal with the statutes of the Wo ' principal colleges , Trinity and St . John ' s , in the first instance . The bulk of Cambridge men , as they are called , are enrolled in the books of these two learned and opulent corporations . Both have rendered inestimable "benefits to science and to letters ; and we have no sympathy with those wlio would approach the reform of either with a rash or irreverend hand . We do not mean to insinuate

    that the Commissioners have done so , although it is certain that some of their suggestions are regarded with sentiments of irritation and even anger by many- influential persons connected with the two colleges . The changes they propose are numerous and sweeping . Many of the details arc too complicated and minute to be easily made intelligible to non-collegiate readers ; but the principal points are simple and appreciable enough . The Commissioners propose to levy an income-tax oil the revenues of the colleges , so far as these are enjoyed by-the masters and fellows , for the purpose of creating a

    fund wherewith to add to the professorships of the University . We have reason to know that the utility of this change is seriously questioned by some of the best and wisest friends of educational reform . There is no general unwillingness on the part of the heads of houses to some contribution being levied from their superfluities , if its application he really useful ; but it may fairl y be doubted whether the creation or .. enrichment of University chairs is . the best way of appropriating . - the . means so obtained . Another and far more .- . important change is that of relieving those who have obtained fellowships fr om

    tlie necessity of taking holy orders within a given time . We cannot too highly approve of this wise and liberal proposition . The condition was originally imposed " \ rith a view of-securing , for the service of the Church a nuaiber of learned men ; and at tlie time when , it was imposed a necessity for it may have existed , or seemed to the founder to exist . But no one can seriously argue that any such necessity exists now ; and practically we know that the working of the rule is , in too many cases , fraught with mere mischief to the interests both , of learning and religion . Clever men , without a spark of devotional feeling ,- who have won their position

    m their respective colleges by their intellectual abilities and attainments , find themselves compelled suddenly to forego their just reward , or to go through the profane farce of taking va \ vs of ordination which they have neither the desire nor the moral capability to keep . It is not necessary to say a word or hint a thought of flagrant and notorious scandals arising out of this compulsory system ; the evil is palpable and , deep enough in its most veiled and varnished form . Men who are in every other . way fitted to be useful , honourable , and

    consistent members of society at large , and exemplary teachers and guides to the youth around them , are by this unhallowed , aud unblest compulsion tarnished and soiled with the conscious guilt of hypocrisy , and are thereby maimed in thu first and best of functions—that of the moral influence they ought l . o exert over those about them . As for inducements voluntarily to enter the Church as aprofession , they arc already abundant ; and it is not proposed iu any way to lessen tliem . Both Trinity and St . John ' s have a considerable number of

    benefices in their gift ; and there is no probability that any of these would ever want a fellow who was a clerk to fill them . For the rest it is infinitely better that good scholars who have no vocation for the pastoral office should not bo tempted into nominally assuming it , and by permitting young men who arc looking to other professions to compete for fellowships , the general tone of , thc competition will of necessity be raised . A third important change is in some degree necessitated by that to which we have been referring . It is nrop ' osctl that

    fellowships should be held lor a term of ten years , and not , as they arc now , for life . Great ; objection will undoubtedly be taken , to this alteration ; and we candidly tuhml that tho subject is fruught with difficulties which cannot bo overcome by any summary method . That the present system tends to jobbing is incontestable . A provision lor life has a certain mesmeric power over a certain class of minds which no countervailing inuuouec can resist . Everybody admits that sleeping partners , however useful in trndc , nva thoroughly good for nothing in learned or scientific societies . Some rcasoimblo motive to continuous exertion amongst men who

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 14, 1858, page 805, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/ldr_14081858/page/13/