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Dec. 27, 1851.] ©&* &««»(* 1233 _ ¦ ¦ ¦—...
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NAPOLEONIC IDEASThe late act of M. Bonap...
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MORE TROOPS—THE NATIONAL DEFENCE. Five t...
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THK TWO JOHNS AND T1IK NATION. " Don't t...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Lord Palmerston Superseded. The Seals Of...
traitors and assassins , steeped in falsehood , blood , and perjury . And we repeat that incompetency , shrouding its bungling in secrecy , continues to possess " power , " to endanger this country , its honour and welfare , because the English people continues its sufferance to a worn-out party and a worn-out system .
Dec. 27, 1851.] ©&* &««»(* 1233 _ ¦ ¦ ¦—...
Dec . 27 , 1851 . ] ©&* &««»(* 1233 _ ¦ ¦ ¦— - *^——¦
Napoleonic Ideasthe Late Act Of M. Bonap...
NAPOLEONIC IDEASThe late act of M . Bonaparte , which , for want of a more characteristic phrase , men dignify by the title of coup d'etat , was the act of a moment , in the eyes of the world ; but , in reality , it was a thing foreseen and stealthily advanced , and was the logical outcome of the man Bonaparte with the engines of power in his hands . Withheld by no scruple , devoured by an imitative ambition , rash in youth , and perfidious in his manhood , M . Bonaparte has only performed in Paris what he promised at Strasbourg and Boulogne . Did not M . de Montalemberfc , November twelvemonths , propose a bill for the " better observance of the Sabbath" and saints' days , and has not Louis Napoleon issued an edict granting that now ? Was not the same Montalembert the most strenuous supporter of the Dotation Bill , on the ground that the nephew of the Emperor must have means sufficient to support his dignity ? Were not the three royal personages , who sent letters of congratulation to Cardinal Wiseman , Maximilian of Bavaria , Francis Joseph of Austria , and Louis
Napoleon of France ? And does not the Pope concur in the coup d ' etat , and approve of the letter of M . de Montalembert ? Long before the 2 nd of December , besides the minute and assiduous care of the President in the matter of flannel waistcoats for the privates , of champagne for the officers , and of compliments tickling to the vanity of all , M . Bonaparte was drilling his army in public reviews and private exercises of the most arduous feats of discipline . Portents enough these of a coming coup d ' e ' tat !
But , looking farther back , when the imitator of Cannes found an Elba not a St . Helena at Ham , we are struck by the only point in which as yet the nephew has not aped the uncle . M . Bonaparte has written pamphlets , while Napoleon reformed laws ; he has distributed sweetmeats to the army , while his ancestor won battles . These pamphlets contain the Napoleonic ideas , with one exception . In his prison of Ham M . Bonaparte wrote a small tract on The Extinction of Pauperism the main idea of which was , certainly , not Neapoleonic , but Socialistic : he proposed to extinguish pauperism by establishing what
we should call home colonies . Subsequently he wrote another tract—Idecs Napoleoniennes , the main idea of which was this . If all the great parties of the state are destroyed , you must fall back upon the only organized body that remains , —the Army ; and use that to " save society / ' by restoring guidance and direction ; afterwards giving as much liberty as is consistent with Napoleonic institutions . Now , this scheme was reproduced just before the coup d ' etat , in the shape of a pamphlet hung upon the peg of " Revision , " the subject just then up in public discussion , and furnishing the title of the pamphlet .
This pamphlet was reproduced entire in the ( jtovernment organ , La I ' atria . It lias been universally ascribed to the President himself ; It is similar in style to his former works . We have been assured as a fact that it is by him ; by others , that it was only " under his inspiration . " We have no doubt that it is , in fact , by him . The object of the pamphlet is to convince France of the folly of having attempted to introduce Engglish Constitutionalism and Parliamentary
Institutions into a country ( like France ) in which the " essential character and genius of its nationality , and the constant and uniform tendency of its history , have been the gradual elevation of the central power , nnd the successive absorption of partial or local powers ; " the ( Jreat Revolution itself having " continued , accelerated , and completed the movement which elevated , extended , and justified from age to age the authority of the central and directing power . " Again :
"Hut in a . country like 'France , where all the < Jreat dorps have been broken or annihilated , whore there iH no longer cither ' corps de nobl « HHC , ' or ' corps < 1 (! bourgeoisie , ' or corps do clcrge , " in p <) HHOHHion of a political existence ; where you cannot form an AnHeinbly without bringing together in its arena four or five hostile opinions , struggling toexterminate one another ; where all is rivalry , ambition , coterie ; whore the principle of authority \ a buned Iohb upon jeapect thun upon npeeHaity ; the
Parliamentary regime , with a central and moving power subjected and compressed , is , as a principle of government , a fiction , and , as a social guarantee , a permanent cause of disorders . " The pamphlet then describes the experiences of thirty years of Parliamentary Government in France —the perpetual intrigues , oscillations , compromises , struggles , & c . After which it says : — " France desires -that her chiefs shall have a real , serious , and efficacious power . " It concludes , therefore , in favour of Napoleonic Institutions , " which at the beginning of the century gave repose to the country from revolutionary agitations . " Then it describes " the system of the Emperor " : —
" The Government proposes a law . A Council of State , composed of the most eminent legislative capacities , discusses and elaborates the project , regulates its dispositions , and presents it to the Legislative body . The Legislative accepts or rejects it , or sends it back to the Government after a contradictory discussion with the Commissaries of the Council of State . The Senate , which is charged to watch over the maintenance of the institutions and the harmony of the powers of the State , and which , among its other attributives , has the right to consult the Sovereign People , whether to modify the Constitution or to provide for unforeseen difficulties , —the Senate examines , in its turn , the project of law from a constitutional point of view , and proposes to the
Government its promulgation or non-promulgation . Lastly , the chief of the Government promulgates and causes the execution of the law by Ministers , who derive from him alone , who do not appear in the Assemblies , who have no discussions with , the Legislative corps , and who can , therefore , administer the country independent of all Parliamentary preoccupations . " "Now ( continues the pamphlet ) , need we dwell upon the advantages of a system of government so simple , so rational ? Are they not self apparent ? And first , as to real , serious liberties , are they not guaranteed by the vote of taxes ? A popular assembly , which , to use a vulgar expression , holds the purse-strings , is it not in effect maker of the Government , so far as to maintain and direct it in the ways most advantageous to the State ?"
The pamphlet concludes for the adoption of " Napoleonic Constitutions , " as best fitted for the safety , glory , and strength of France ; and these are the last words : — Any power that shall establish itself in Franco upon constitutional fictions and with the ' omnipotence of Parliaments , ' is inevitably a lost power , do what it may , whether it resign itself like Louis XVI ., or resist (' seeabre' ) like Charles X ., or * ruser , ' like Louis Philippe ; and France may prepare herself for a fourth revolution which will probably be the lastfor society will be buried in its ruins . "
These are the Napoleonic ideas to be diffused , accepted , and worked out through the medium of coups d'etat ; faith in the Sword , sanctified by enormous treachery , enormous lying , and consummated with frig htful bloodshed . Truly it is easier even to " sit upon bayonets " than to perform deeds like these with them . But granted that the coup d'etat is justifiable , on the ground that these magnificent aims were entertained by the perpetrator of that colossal crime—What security have we , either that he is honest , or , granting bis honesty , that he has the power to carry
bis plans and accomplish his purposes ? Doubting his honesty , we doubt still more his power . He is the cousin of Francis Joseph , a near relation to Nicholas , and connected by family marriages with the Duke of Wurtemberg , the King of Bavaria , the Duke of Baden , and the King of Sweden . He is " one of the family" whose estate is the Continent of Europe , whose serfs are the 'Peoples of Kurope , whose " rights " "England" guaranteed at Vienna in 1815 . The genuine old Napoleon , the scourge of the Red monarchies of bis day , was a " new" man , a
vulgar , ambitious person , unhappily gifted with great genius , not by any means a ' legitimate monarch ; the spurious new Napoleon is , as we have seen , closely connected with regal blood—in short , " one of the family . " Not such reason , therefore , to put him down : still less reason to permit him ( always assuming that be is honest ) to regenerato . France by means of Socialistic ideas . W / u have no hope that lift " will or can . His dilemma is too terrible . If be be honest , be has not the power to act out his honesty : if he be dishonest , the faintest palliation of his crime vanishes .
More Troops—The National Defence. Five T...
MORE TROOPS—THE NATIONAL DEFENCE . Five thousand troops are to be added to the force of the country . So says report ; though we " will not vouch for the fact" The " grave events " which have happened in Fiance , and which have made Queen Isabella II . of Spain dissolve her Cortes , which might well induce our own responsible rulers to look after defences of our land . The dread of war is making itself apparent in more than one [ sign—amongst others in the warning of the Times to the usurping Government of France and its allies , that the maintenance of the status quo must be absolute , or the infringers must take the consequences . We quote the passages in another column . It is true that war is becoming every week more probable , and that its prevention is becoming every week more beyond the controul of the established authorities in any country . It is therefore quite proper that the responsible managers of this country should be prepared for it . But , how prepared ? The question is important . A Continental war would result in advantage to the people of this country , or in disaster , precisely in proportion
as our aid should be given to uphold principles of Freedom , or to strike them down—precisely as it should secure a genuine alliance for uh with industrial Peoples , or purely an alliance of Downingstreet with bureaux opposing the industrial Peoples . If this country were to take the side of Freedom , a war would not be costly , and it would be profitable ; if this country were to take the hide of Despotism , the war would be costly , and it would be a dead loss .
The aids and subsidies granted to Despotism , to reestablish another lHl . > , could only renew for us the present state of things , in which Kngland is kept apart from her natural customers in Hungary , ( Jermany , Italy-aye , the whole Continent ; and it would leave us with another National Debt on the top of the present . It would be all dead weight , and nothing but dead weight . Let us glance at the uioh (; obvious and speedy circtiinstanccH that would befriend English intcrcstH , if England were to take the side of Freedom . In the first place , we might have i e star-spangled banner beside our own standard of the triple cross . Hoisted on the field of Europe , in tho name ot
Thk Two Johns And T1ik Nation. " Don't T...
THK TWO JOHNS AND T 1 IK NATION . " Don't trust him , " cried John llright to Locke King , when John Russell offered to promise something if Mr . King would reliiiquicjh his Ten-pound
County Franchise Bill . Wroth was the countenance of Russell at the words : he looked as if he would not forget them . He has had his revenge : he has refused to receive the Manchester deputation . He will not trust John Bright , nor his colleagues , nor his deputation , nor his Wilson , nor anything which is his . Now why , O John , of JV 1 anchester , did you forget your own strong-voiced sturdy injunction to Locke King , and move a foot , with Baines of Leeds , towards trusting your namesake ? But you have had your lesson , you are strong of constitution , and you will not sink under the dose .
The Conference is angry—it passes " strong " resolutions , and is in a state to take extreme measures . Why then not take the one step—still open to patriotic men ? Assuredly , a time is fast approaching when strong measures will be needed , of one kind at leasts and strength of one kind should be fortified by a general strength . Surely England , with its baker ' s half-dozen of Reform Bills , is getting sick of " measures , " " movements , " and has had
" associations" ? Surely Manchester enough of trying its hand at seperate hunting , and has found that , even if it can win , it may purchase victory too dear ? Surely the public has been perplexed enough with all sorts of " Manhood Suffrage /* " Household Suffrage , " Lodger Suffrage , Complete Suffrage , —every variety of form for the sake of variety , or for the sake of concealing some miserable little exception kept in the measure for the sake of exception , that it might
not be thoroughgoing . One thing is clear—that Lord John does not mean to take Manchester into his confidence ; of course , because he is conscious that what he is going to offer will not obtain the confidence of Manchester . He must still less be intending to take the nation into his confidence—to trust the nation , or earn its trust . That appeal , therefore , is still open for " Reformers " who mean what they say , whether they be of Manchester or London , Glasgow or Birmingham : why , then , not make that great appeal—to the Nation ? Reformers might do it , by dropping all party old titles and bickerings and raising a new standard , with a clear field and one simple " charge" upon it—National Suffrage .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 27, 1851, page 1233, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/ldr_27121851/page/13/
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