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a further boon , viz ., a free admission to the very cathedral in which , he delivered his charge , as well as to Westminster Abbey , or any other show-church whose doors require a silver key to open them . While we are competing with foreign peoples in manufacturing and artistic skill , let us likewise compete with them—I will not say in liberality , for it is not liberality to give what ought never to have been withheld , but—in propriety . Let us Protestants at least prefer " Catholic claims " to commoa decency and disinterestedness , by throwing open our churches to all who maybe desirous of entering them , without enquiring too nicely into their motives ; being willing , rather , to think how often it may have happened that feelings of devotion have supervened upon those of mere curiosity , and
" That folks who came to stare remained to pray , " if one may be allowed to take a slight liberty with Goldsmith ' s well-known line . Who that has a spark of proper pride or patriotism left in his heart but must feel shame at our national scandal of demanding a money-fee for admission to the house of God ? Who that has remarked the little shabby , half-shut , chain-secured door , — the
payentrance to St . Paul s , —but must have felt it to be far more fit for the wicket- ( query , wicked ?) gate to the Cave of Mammon , than for ( what should be ) the free and open portal of the temple of the Prince of Peace ? It is wonderful that the abettors , lay and clerical , of this money-taking abuse should have persisted so long in a practice which has shocked the moral sense of every mind that has given it a moment ' s calm consideration . The Press has not been
altogether silent on the subject , but its fire has been irregular and intermittent . Let but a general broadside , from the " Thunderer" downwards , be opened upon this inveterate scandal , and I think it cannot live much longer . Now would seem to be the proper time to open fire upon it . Let us see if we cannot sweep it away before the foreigners come to cry shame upon us next spring . I am , Sir , yours very truly , Thomas Noel .
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THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPE . Nov . 28 , 1850 . Sir , —I would oppose the Roman Catholics , not on religious , but political , grounds . People may believe what they like , as far as it concerns another world , and not this ; but , when they say it is necessary to belong to a foreign Government , and receive their rules and orders from it , I think it should be disallowed on the part of the Home Government . We have nothing to do with Rome , hold no diplomatic relations with it , and a foreigner should never be allowed to interfere in the affairs of another state .
They say their association is purely spiritual . ' We can have but a vague idea of what is meant by spiritual—none that will enable us to come to any common understanding . I say no Government is spiritual — every Government is temporal . Secular education is given in Ireland ; the Pope and Bishops forbid Roman Catholics to receive it . Is not that interfering in temporal matters , and ceasing to confine themselves to spiritual ? Would you think it intolerant if Parliament was to assign a large sum to secular education , and make the children of all sects qo there ? I think Government would have a right
O'Connell and the Irish , whatever liberal movement was taking place on the continent , always opposed it , if the Church was against it . I need not say that he was equally opposed to it if proceeding from us , and his Church did not like it . Their treatment of Mr . ( Jwen and the Socialists will be fresh in recollection . I think O'Connell opposed the godless colleges . Their present conduct towards them is interference in temporal matters , since the colleges teach nothing spiritual . Even the Pope has assumed prerogatives over the Church in Ireland he never had before .
Three bishops were sent for him to nominate one of them to the primacy . He set them all aside to place a Cullen of astronomical celebrity over them . How can Wiseman say the Pope has less power over the Church in England than he had , if he has that power over the Irish Church , after which his Church in England is constituted . Ireland , in the midst of famine , could subscribe towards the Pope , to assist him in supporting his temporal power against the liberals . France sends her troops to reinstate the Pope ; is not this temporal ? In return , the Pope gives all the force to temporal power he can in Naples and France , and receives supremacy over the civil law in Austria , and demands it of Piedmont . He sends three cardinals' hats to France , which are
mentioned in the President ' s speech , as a subject of congratulation , contrasting rather ludicrously with the indignation with which we have received one cardinal . Now , all the Roman Catholic powers are joined against Prussia . It is impossible to separate the spiritual from the temporal , and to ignore their union . The sympathy we had for Mazzini and the Romans , against Pope and French , the feeling we
have for Piedmont , for Prussia , must have a consistent expression , when the Pope ' s power and forces are directed against us . I cannot see why we are to isolate ourselves , when the question becomes our own , and sav Popery may take its course in England . I do ' not want to see a religious war in England ; I do not want to see in England a party , as the Irish , who would fight for the Pope , and at his biddings , against liberality .
Roman Catholics must be allowed , if they will have it , the Pope ' s supremacy in articles of faith , and the sciences if they like , but not in government . I would allow him no civil jurisdiction . We ignore the Government of Rome , and the Government of Rome should be ignored here . Roman Catholic sovereigns and nations have opposed it , and we have much more reason to do so . Let their religion be purely spiritual . It is supposed that under temporal influences landThe
the Pope made this move against Eng . Pope and powers of Europe felt umbrage at the little countenance we gave to the liberal movement in Italy . Wiseman admits that the Court of Rome made objections to the creation of an episcopacy in England until the return of the Pope , when , scarcely secure on his own throne , he sends a cardinal and prelates to take possession of England . Yours , faithfully , "W . J . Birch .
to do it ; she owes to the people a proper education . It has nothing to do with religion . Yet the Roman Catholics have opposed , in Roman Catholic as well as Protestant states , schools of general education , and wished the money to be given to them for the purposes of religious education . The Romanists call that free education in France . In the United States it is the same . Where the Roman Catholics are strong , as in the state of New York , they have there applied to have the money for education assigned separately to them . In England money is given by
the State to Roman Catholic schools , which I consider very improper . A secular school should be established , either compulsory or voluntary , and children of all sects , Church of Rome , England , Protestant Dissenters , should be free to go there . Afterwards , those who confined themselves purely to what is spiritual , might give spiritual education . I eny it is the business of every Liberal , as far as his own safety is concerned , to oppose this exclusive spiritual instruction . Liberals , instead of minding their own business , think it liberal to hurra on
contending parties who have the same object in view - — the spread only of religion , and absolutism , and the extinction of freedom and free thinking , lhe attempted monopoly of education by each sect is defensive of their sp iritualism , and is so far temporal . Very soon Roman Catholicism becomes aggressive . In Piedmont they would be separate from the civil tribunes . In time , as they have often endeavoured to do , they would monopolize the whole of Government , separate it themselves , then enlarge it , and finall y engross itwith the land and wealth therein .
, It is pretty clear , I think , that absolutism and Roman Catholicism have made an alliance with each other nil over the country . It so far shows how its spiritualism is necessarily allied with temporalism . in equally politic on our part , therefore , to oppose it .
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LONDON COOPERATIVE STORE . Lincoln ' a-inn , Nov . 25 , 1850 . Dear Sir , — Mr . Thomas Whitaker , in a letter published in last week ' s Leader , expresses an opinion that the Cooperative Store now opened at 76 , Charlotte-street , would have been calculated to do infinitely more good if there had been a labour exchange connected with it . As one of the parties by whom that store has been established , I beg to assure Mr . Whitaker , and such of your readers as may concur and
in his opinion , that I fully concur in this view , that it is the intention of the proprietors of the store , should their present experiment prove successful , as it promises to do , to use the store as an instrument both for promoting the formation of working men s associations , and for the organization of the exchange of labour . Already a step has been taken towards this end by enabling the managers of such associa-+ imm to tmv the associateswith their consent , wholly
, or in part , by orders upon the store ? , on the credit of payments to be received for work on which they are eneaeed . The result of the attempt to introduce the exchange of labour to which Mr . Whitaker refers shows , however , the necessity of caution in its introduction . A temporary delay , till the success of the trial can be assured , muy retard the progress of the cause of cooperative labour a little . A trial and the ot
failure would retard it much . In judgment those by whom the London Cooperative btore has been established , some progress must be made m organizing production by means of associated labour before the direct exchange of labour can be safely undertaken . They have , therefore , applied themselves , at present , to that which they think they can succeed in effecting , leaving the rest to follow as
opportunity offers . With these observations , which will , I hope , satisfy Mr . Whitaker that the support which he kindly promises to the store , notwitstanding its present imperfections , will not be misplaced , I remain , yours truly , Edward Vansittakt Nbalb .
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Critics are not the legislators , judges pouc of literature . They do not make laws—they interpret an < trr to enforce them . —Edinburgh Review .
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Walpole ' s Catalogue of Royal and Noble Au thors has been strangely amplified of late years , though one cannot say that the Aristocracy ol Letters receives great accessions from the Aristocracy of Birth ; still , while " all the world" holda the pen , noblemen may not unreasonably be expected to ink their fingers : it has , therefore , ceased to be a distinction to have published a book or to have written an article . An untrodden path remains open , and Lord Carlislb is the first to
venture on it . Some future Walpolb will compile a Catalogue of Noble Lecturers , and the first on the list will be Lord Carlisle , who is about to deliver two Lectures at the Leeds Mechanics' Institute . Think , oh , ye Debretts and Burkes of the blood of the Howards" in a lecture room ! Think , oh , Craik , what a chapter for thy Romance of the Peerage ! Surely a change has come over the spirit of England—and a noble change toowhen her great families , instead of earning laurels on the field , descend into the crowded arena of
Free Discussion : — " Sunt , quo 8 curriculo pulrerem Olympicum Collegisse juvat , metaque fervidis Evitata rotis palmaque nobilis Terrarum dominos evehit ad Deos . " The " illustrations" of the Camp and Turf pale before those of the Senate-house and Library . But , then , what can you expect from a nation of shopkeepers ? And all Europe is becoming bourgeois . If Nobles may descend from the dais , to be jostled among the crowd of Grub-street it is no very great derogation in Managers to imitate them .
Majestic as those personages have ever been , the levelling current of democracy sweeps them , ay , even them , onwards , and forces them to mingle with the herd . If the blood of the Howards may enter the Lecture-room , Managers may undertake the dull duties of editors . " To be serious : two Managers , i Gossip Report be not a liar , are to publish rival editions of Shakspeark , and these Managers are Charles Kean and Samuel Phklps . We have always regretted that no dramatist should
have edited Shakspeare ; because , while so much has been done by scholars for the elucidation of his text , so much remains to do for the proper elucidation of his dramatic art . And not a little may bo done by actors in the elucidation of his theatric art . Whether the new editors have thought of thus applying their experience is yet to ^ be seen ; meanwhile the announcement piques curiosity . Curiosity will be not less piqued by the announcement of Emile Girardin ' s new work ,
L Abolition de la Misilre : to abolish poverty altogether is the philosopher ' s stone of the nineteenth century . Girardin ' s alchemical claims we will report on when the book appears . Meanwhile , let a passing indication be made of a new work by the Spanish priest Jaime Balmes , who rose into celebrity in 1840 and perished prematurely in 1848 . The name will be familiar to Englishmen from the advertisements of his work on Catholicism and Protestantism recently translated . The book now under notice is two small volumes , Escritos Postumos , Poesias Postumas , wherein essays on politics and literature are mingled with poems and
geometrical researches . English readers cannot , for the most part , examine these poems ; but there is one recent poem which they can all examine and enjov , and we must step out of our way to direct attention to it in the columns of last week ' s Athentcum . It is by Sydney Yendys , and entitled "Crazed " : to our tastes far surpassing in strength and passion . his more ambitious work , The Roman .
Apropos of the Atheneeum , in a late number it mentioned the names of Mesdames Dudkvant and Charles Reybaud in the same phrase ; whereupon a correspondent of the Courrier de VEurope wishes to know whether Madame Dudkvant is George Sand , and asks who is Madame C . Reybaud ? The Courrier replies that the latter lady , though not without talent , is unknown except in Cabinets LitUraires , and that only an optical illusion or " friendship" could have prompted the mention of her name . The excessive ignorance of this would be astonishing in any but a French journal . Madame Charles Rbyijaud , though far from having the noisy reputation of a Dumas or a Sub , is known and appre-
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Nov . 30 , 1850 . ] mt ) e ? Lcaber . 856
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Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 30, 1850, page 855, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1861/page/15/
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