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multitudes . The Court of Home said their spiritual subjects might do as they liked on this point , that the civil power could not interfere because the concordat allowed Roman Catholics to carry out th avowed purposes of faith agreeably to thejr church . Prussia \ found herself entangled by a concordat * ¦ when without it she might have moved independently in her own policy and free from foreign jntef ference . WirhouJ ; a concordat Rome has to send to Holland tp know if a measure contemp lated by the Papal court will be agreeable to the D . ufjch
government . In the qase alluded to , J lolland yeluseA » er consent , and the project dropped on the part of JCome Rome , I believe , would like nothing better than to force us jjito diplomatic relations with her . P } $ } 9 " macy is a game of intrigue in which each nation hopes to gain the trick . If this be the case in temporal sovereignties and between comparatively tree states , what would it be between us and the proverbial Jesuitry of Rome and Italian Papal sovereignty . When Rome is a republic let us enter into relations with her ; but let us never acknowledge Papal usurpation , spiritual or temporal . ^ ^ fe shaft be much freer for the epoch of Rome ' s liberation if we have no agreement with her tyrant .
Laing wrote before the ferment of Papal aggression , and , therefore , unprejudiced by it . Nevertheless , he must have had in memory that we have incurred the danger of a concordat ; and he wrote to warn us of it . With regard to the agitation of 1850 and the pending question of 1851 , we may say he speaks with prophetic premonition of coming events . The issue out of the difficulty which , you seem to think has been impolitically neglected , and now to profess as the proper solution , he emphatically forewarns and forearms us against it .
Laing shows that he is not bigoted against the Roman Catholic Church , because preceding these observations on the concordat he approves of the policy which that church exercised during ^ the middle ages and times anterior to Protestantism . He is hot bigoted in favour of Protestantism ; but , like Hume , he is against every form of priestcraft . The following observation , which follows the statement of his objection to' a concordat is sufficient evidence of his freedom from religious
prejudice . " To have no state church at all appears to be the only arrangement suitable to the present advanced condition of society , and of the public mind on religious freedom . " I beg to subscribe to this sentiment . But it appears to me that in advocating a concordat , and coming to terms with the Church of Rome , you would h ; ave two establishments , two evils instead of one to deal with . The next step would probably be to pay the clergy of the Church of Rome , also
the inconvenience of which I ^ aing shows , and the advantages to public liberty . in their being dependent on voluntary support . I refer you to page 400 and the pages following of his book . I would also remark , in conclusion , on a statement of yours , that you objected to Roman Catholicism as a falsehood . I do not ' see how , consistently with that opinion , you wish to give encouragement , authority , and support to a falsehood . W- J « Birch .
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A GENERAL EFFORT FOR THE REPEAL OF THE TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE . Cambridge , Jan . 28 , 1851 . Siit , —The annual report of the Newspaper S , tamp Abolition Committee , published in the Leader of the 11 th of January , informs me that during the last session of Parliament the petitions presented iri favour of the full objects of that committee numbered only 183 , with 21 , 060 as the gross number of signatures I also learnt from the same source that the number of local secretaries was only 54 for the whole of the United Kingdom . Two questions were suggested to
my mind by the perusal of this statement . Is this paucity in the number and weight of our petitions to he taken as the index of public opinion in this matter ? or is it that the proper means have riot beep taken for eliciting that feeling which really exists , and which is bo essential to the speedy success of our cause ? My hopes , and , indeed , my judgment suggest that the latter presents the true state ? of tho case . £ n the fu . ee of such official statements as " the Ijondon districts are not yet organized , " I can come to no other conclusion . It is , therefore , ft questjqn of serious importance to consider how tho plan of autipn can be amended or developed beforo Wo enter upon the new campaign .
In the first place , when I compare the number of petitions and their signatures with the number of the agents of tho committee in various parts of the country , f cannot help thinking but' that there ifl niuoh room for improvement in that quarter . True it in Unit new agencies are requisite , but it is equally as true that the efFortp of existing agencies may be uh greatly and as beri ' e / ioially increased . The N / evvspaper Stamp Abolition Committee form the grand centre of the agitation ; from them the movement receives its character and form ; but they leave tjhe execution tf tiiejx plujis to their appointed agents . Even then , us this committeo is the centre of the whole movomont , bo ought each secretary" to consider h , c ^ * 8 a ?< Ja' centre ; and in the Wio way ( that
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the central committee appoint secretaries in the large towns , ought each of these in his turn to look out for others to get up petitions , &c , in the towns comprised in his district . Thus , Cambridge is surrounded fc y somewhat cpnsiderable towns ( as Ely , Wisie ' aah , St . Ives , Huntingdon , Royston , Walden , &c . ) from ' which we may reasonably expect efficient support . TJkis eyetem will apply ± p most districts wh $ f e a local secretary is already appointed . paying thus laid down a principle of a division of districts , I jxpyr come to the consideration of a fresh division ; that is , a classification of the public to ¦ wh om we appeal for support . This public I would divide into three classes . 1 st . The trades injuriously affected by these taxes , vi ? ., printers , paper-makers , bookbinders ; 2 nd . ' mechanics' institutes , literary societies , &c ., whose laudable efforts ( as educational institutions ) are crippled in no small degree ; and 3 rd . The general public , who may support us on educational , economic , social , or political considerations . % Vith the first , it is a question of interest ; with the second , it is a matter of duty . Petitions from the first named , showing the injurious effects of these taxes upon industry , inliriiiting consumption , &c , cannotfail to have great weight with a free trade Parliament ; a de liberate opinion upon educational questions expressed by such important bodies as mechanics' institutions must always receive the most respectful consideration at the hands of the Legislature , while petitions from the last-mentioned ( in the classification ) ought to carry with them the influence of numbers . This classification t would therefore respectfully recommend to the consideration and adoption * of all engaged in the good work . Petitions from trade societies and mechanics' institutions ought to bear an official character , and should , therefore , be signed" by order and on behalf "—by the officers . Local secretaries , have you printing and bookbinding establishments , paper mills , or mechanics ' institutions in your neighbourhood ? Gain their cooperation , and you will be doing the cause " some service . " To meet the expense ( which , though not very great , is still too much for one individual to bear ) , let the secretary gather around him a few friends and form them ¦ . into a Free Knowledge Society . This has been done in Cambridge , and though the society is composed almost solely of working men , it is quite adequate for the purpose . We have issued an address , and the following is our petition : — " To the Honourable . the Commons , in Parliament Asembled , " The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of " ShQweth , —That , in the opinion of your petitioners , all Lji ws or Taxes that impede the diffusion of knowledge , or restrict in the slightest degree the Liberty of the Press , "endanger the safety of Government , and are opposed to the welfare of the nation at large . " That the Excise Duty qn Paper , the Stamp Tax on Advertisements ^ the Pj eriny Stamp upon Newspapers , and the jCus ' tomp Puty on Foreign ' Books , constitute restrictions upon the Press , which your petitioners deprecate as impolitic and unjust . " ' Your petitioners , therefore , pray that the duty now levied upon Paper may immediately be abolished , as also the Penny Stamp upon Newspapers , the S / amp * T £ x upon Advertisements , and the Customs j ) uty upon Foreign Books . " And your petitioners will ever pray . " I £ has been suggested that the trouble of getting the petitions prepared for signature is a barrier to their being sent from some places ; to obviate this , the above petition , ready for signature , will be sent ( free by post ) to any ^ part of the TJnited Kingdom , on receipt , by the secretary ( at 8 , Wheeler-street , Cambridge ) , of twelve postage stamps ; at the Bame time will be senj ; a showy placard to jthc following effect : — " Liberty of the Press ! The Petition , fot the Abolition of the Taxes on Knowledge , lies here for signature . " With reference to the mapper' preparing petitions , I would observe , the committee of tho House are vbry particular as regards signatures ; and wo have adopted the plan of repeating the prayer of the petition at the top of every ' sheet of signatures , thus : " The undersigned Inhabitants of Cambridge pray that , " &c . These suggestions' are respectfully offered for the consideration of those interested in the movement by one who does not desire to witness a repetition of the same figures in the next report of the committee , but rather wishes' that they will bo enubled to cprigratulate their adherents upon some success achieved . Thinking th # t their general adoption would greatly conduce to this result , —I remain , yours respectfully , WjjflTOtf J \ JlATFlKM ) .
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Fpo . 8 , 1851 . ] «*? *«»***? 137 _
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TIIK M A U XIIA G E DON O . IHmh , Jan . : i () , 1 K 51 . Sui , —Presuming upon that liberality of uction which has characterized your editorial career , 1 venture to submit , for the consideration of your readers , a few thoughts on one or two aspects of the subject named at the head of this letter . One- of tho most terrible curses vyjiich eau befal man or woman , both in its nature uml consequences , iri an unequal marriage , since it affects rilmost every relation of life and coats its blighting' iulLuonqo
wherever it can exert its pow . er . That there are cases of such a nature , wjll be manifest to those who carefully note the pref ent : s ^ arcpnditiqn of the people , arid who have" ftiffi « ien $ jpf ^ U iggq ®? tp d ^ cesn between the semblance ' < $$ ' $ & realty of m , arnag . e . Many of them have been cpn § uB 3 maie . d Jhrpngh the hypocrisy of one of the parses in question , and all owe their existence to ignorance on the part of both . But it sometimes happens that this miserable state becomes intolerable to either the man or the wife , and a deep-seated desire is felt to" dissolve' a connection so ruinous to th ^ growth of the in ^ ivjdual soul , and subversive of the happiness of ' each , AJ } d , yet ,
forsooth , it has pee ' n wisely determined ¦ tfjiai the legal bori 4 shall not be snapped asunder until dqath , with those exceptions only which literally place the separation out of the reach of all but the wealthy classes ; and so it comes to pass that these two beings , without a sufficient amount of sentiments , hopes , fears , and tendencies in common to make their partnership bearable , must continue to live together in the indulgence of mutual regrets and without a solitary hope that their state will be altered by any circumstance save death in one of the two cases ! yVhat wonder that prostitution still holds its high carnivals with such an inducement to its perpetration as that afforded by the evil in question : and still more , what wonder
that the very institution and sacredness of marriage itself should be scoffed at by those whose only knowledge of the female sex has been gleaned from acquaintance with the most degraded and unfortunate portions of it , and who , seeing the misery resulting from those cases of unequal marriage -which come under their notice , exclaim , " Away -with marriage under any form or circumstance ; freedom be ours . " The full treatment of this question requires volumes ; I , therefore , close by apologizing for the triteness of my remarks , and with the expression of my earnest wish that your useful Journal may be made the vehicle of exposing the evil referred to and of suggesting some plans for its remedy . I am , Sir , with much respect , yours fraternally , : Fked . R . Yotjng .
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Function of Imagination . —Every imagination of the intellect , he might have said , every creation by the mind of a merely'logical ' thing or existence , that is , of a thing or existence lying wholly out of the inventory of real objects , is an extension of the human sphere , an aid . in the future evolution of the human universe . It is the function of man not only to cultivate his instincts of sociability , not only to illuminate and ennoble the whole sphere of his existing relations with the world as it exists up to the present point , but also by the generation of hew thoughts , notions , chimeras , ana mental combinations , to contribute to the general mental development and
increase which time unceasingly promotes . Hence conceptions like that of Oberon and Titania , or like that of the IJamsel with the dulcimer , and poetry like that of Spenaer or that of Keats , are by no means waste ; they do not , it is true , add aught either of brightness or of heat to the already glowing sphere of human relations and concerns , but they are so many feathery threads the niore for that silver fringe of the possible wherewith the golden orb of the actual is surrounded ; and the time may come when the fringe too shall be overtaken by the expanding radiance , and all the ideal that the human phantasy may have originated shall , by Divine and Omnipotent decree , be absorbed and incorporated in the established real . —North British Review , No . 2 ] .
Social Literature . —Collect all the books , pamphlets , and papers that constitute our literature of social reference ; or assemble all our men of letters that have contributed to that literature , so as to learn their private aspirations arid opinion ? with respect to tho social problem ; arid the last word , the united vote will still be , The Organization of J ^ abour on the Associative Principle . There are of course dissentients , but such is the Vote of the majority ; and so far as the vote is of value , it may be asserted that a decree of the literary faculty of the country has gone forth , declaring the avatar of political economy , if not as a science of facts , at leaat as a supreme rul of government , to be near its close . If so , what a contrast there is between the thoughts of our
parliamentary and official men on social topics , and tho thoughts of the general intellect of the country ! Within the parliamentary and official circle we find , with one or two exceptions nothing but the smallest and most timid order of conceptions—a detritup of old Whig and Tory traditions tjiat never had much in them ; without that circle , und dashing against it bo aa to threaten it . with a speedy overflow , is a sea of vague and daring speculation . \ yithin Parliament , the very principle of pro-Sedurc seems to be to avoid " large measures ; without ' ' Hament , nothing but " large " measures are proposed —Ateliers Nationaux , JVaeanf . Proprietorships . forms of Universal Socialism , schemcH of National Education .
It in not difficult to aeo the reason of this fact . Now , more ^ iin ever , it is from the middle or moneyed class , the men of deliberation and speciality , that our official meii and legifilutoirH are chosen . Few are tho repreHentatiyeH of the proletariat that have yet penetrated within the charmed circle , carrying with them , as they did in France after the recent revolution , their impetuosity , their ' eagerness for wholesale measures , their hobnailed , impatience of routine and compromise ; whil «; <> r reprc-HeututivcH of the literary order of i \ w community there arc indubitably fewer in the Knglinh Parliament , now than there were in the days of Walpole or Pitt . Hence J . ho apcctaclo alluded to—the official statecraft of the country pecking pertinaciously at mere iniiiutioa ; the country itself tearing vehemently at all manner of gencralitioM . —North British Jteview , No . 27-
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 8, 1851, page 137, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1869/page/21/
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