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miniature of a penal law . { Hear , hear . ) It had been said , in taunt , to a right honourable friend of his , that he had not yet made up his mind whether this measure was a nullity or a persecution . If it was a measure that wounded , that insulted—( hear )—that put upon paper a declaration of religious inequality—{ hear , hear )—then it might be a nullity as respected giving satisfaction to the public feeling of England , but it was a persecution as regarded the consciences of Roman Catholics—( cheers )—and both a nullity and a persecution in their essence might very well be combined , and had , he feared , been combined in this little measure . ( ' Hear , ' and cheers . ) If they wished to exercise a beneficial influence over the Roman Catholics , he called upon Parliament to reverse their policy—to endeavour to attach them by a kindly legislation , to deal out to them in the strictest manner hear to with the
equal justice—( hear , )—repress greatest watchfulness and vigour in them , as in all other religious bodies , any disposition to agression upon the temporal sphere , but subject to that limitation to deal with them kindly . It was admitted the Roman Catholics of England had been distinguished by their loyalty . They had , then , something to work upon ; feelings and affections which they might turn to account . ( Cheers . ) But if they drove the Roman Catholics back upon the Pope—if they met them with enactments which showed their disposition to go backwards , they could only expect to find the Catholics alienated and estranged in England , where they were a body ^ comparatively insignificant in numbers , and to find that the difficulties they would have to encounter on the other side of the Channel , where the Catholics formed an overwhelming majority , would be fearfully increased . "
The noble lord ( Lord John ) had appealed to them teh other night in the names of Hampden and Pym . He ( Mr . Gladstone ) had a reverence for those men because they were engaged in resisting oppression , but he would rather have Hampden and Pym quoted upon any other question than upon legislation , against Roman Catholics , because there was one blot on their escutcheon , and on the character of their party , it was that bitter and ferocious intolerance which in them became more painful and odious , because it was directed against Roman Catholics at home . ( Hear . ) Mr . Disbaeli could not agree with Mr . Roebuck and those opponents of the bill who described the Pope as a poor and feeble priest . The Pope was a prince of very great power , if not the greatest .
Between regular and secular clergy he had at his command an army of one million priests , governed by a thousand bishop and archbishops . It was absurd to say that that power was to be treated in the same manner , and considered in the same spirit as the Wesleyan conference , or to be associated with the last invention of Scotch dissenters . It was a gross mistake to discuss this question on abstract grounds . Let them look to the actual circumstances of the day . On . the one hand a great revival of Catholicism in Europe , and on the other a counter-revival of Protestantism in England . What might be the issue of the impending struggle between the two conflicting principles no one could foretel . The possible result was one which made him shudder .
Meantime , it was the duty of Government to adopt such a course as was best calculated to avert these evils . After discussing the Government measure he argued that a better proceeding was suggested by Lord Stanley—to rest satisfied at present with a formal protest , and found a vigorous measure upon fuller information . Dwelling upon the faults and fallacies contained in the bill , he yet felt himself debarred from criticism , because , not being a friend
of Lord John Russell ' s , he was bound to respect his feelings . Believing the measure utterly insufficient , he should vote for the second reading for the same reason as that urged by Sir F . Thesiger , stating his hope that it might be improved in another stage . Adverting to some passages in the address of Sir J . Graham , he alluded to the probable junction of the ri ght honourable baronet with the Ministry , and predicted that no Government could stand which did
not make the preservation of our Protestant Constitution , the guiding star of their policy . Sir Gkokoi ; Grey viewed the measure not as an attack upon the liberties of others , but a defence of our own . He contended that the Legislature was justified in interfering , and the Government well advised in constructing the bill now before the Houne . After a lew remarks from Mr . P . IIowako , the House divided , when the numbers wore : — For the second reading 4 , 'JH For the amendment \)< > Majority « M'J
Lord John Ruhhki . t , stated that on Monday , he Would fix a day for the bill going into committee . He would not appoint a day before a fortnight after the Easter recess . He proposed to take the Army Estimates on Friday , and would then mate when tho Budget would be proposed . The House adjourned » t a quarter past three till Thursday . f Lord Lyndhuuht , in the IIouho of Lords , on -Thursday evening , called the attention of Ministers to tho proccedingH of " The Central National Italian Committee , " in London , whose object was to keep up u spirit of insurrection in Italy , with a view to tho OMtubliHhmcut of a central republic in that country . After referring to the loan which hud beou opened fin London for promoting tho republican cause in Ituly , ho wont on to auy that unlcun
these proceedings were put down , the revolutionists on the Continent would fancy that the British Government was favourable to their designs , while our allies would naturally view the conduct of Ministers with suspicion . Another society to which he wished to call attention was " The Central Domestic European Committee , " formed for the avowed purpose of encouraging insurrectionary projects in every part of Europe . There was another case of a still more flagrant nature . There was an association called ^ " The Central Committee of Hungarian Refugees , " who had lately prepared a proclamation of a most inflammatory character ,
addressed to the Hungarian troops serving in Italy , calling upon them to desert , and pointing out how they could do so with most damage to Austria . He would not recommend a public persecution , which , would be slow in progress , arid perhaps uncertain in its results . But he thought Government ought to renew the Alien Act , which was allowed to expire last session . Earl Grey said the matter had been under Lord Palmerston ' s consideration for some time , and he would , no doubt , take such steps as might be deemed necessary . A * for asking Parliament to renew the Alien Act , nothing but the most urgent and flagrant necessity
would warrant Government in asking , or Pailiament in granting more power than the executive possesses at present . The Earl of Aberdeen said the noble earl had not said whether he disapproved of the proceedings of the refugees . Earl Grky , instating that Lord Palmerston now had his attention directed to the subject , thought he had announced as clearly as he could , that the Government disapproved of such proceedings . Lord John Russell , in moving for leave to introduce a bill sanctioning the appointment of a new Vice-Chancellor , expressed his disapproval of that division of the Lord Chancellor ' s functions which had been suggested . He proposed that there should be a court , to be called the Supreme Court of Chancery , or the Lord Chancellor ' s Court , in which should sit the Lord
Chancellor , the Master of the Rolls , and one of the judges in the courts of law to be summoned from time to time ; that any two of them should have the power of hearing causes , and that , in the absence of the Lord Chancellor , the other two judges should have the same power . The salary of the Lord Chancellor it was proposed to fix at £ 10 , 000 , leaving the retired allowance the same as now , namely , £ 5 , 000 . It was further proposed to vest the ecclesiastical patronage now administered by the Lord Chancellor in the Crown , to be exercised by the First Minister , taking the pleasure of the Crown . Several members condemned the proposed measure . Mr . Roundell Palmer said he feared it would prove acceptable neither to the profession , the suitors , nor the public . Leave having been given to bring in the bill , it was read a first time . A short discussion took place on a motion made by Mr . Anderson , in favour of the imposition of import duties on Spanish goods , by way of retaliation for their having imposed heavy duties on imports from England . Mr . LAJtouciiiatE admitted that Spain had acted in a very unfriendly and one-sided spirit in tho matter ; but negotiations were going on which might possibly result in a satisfactory arrangement . If not , then it might be necessary to adopt retaliatory measures . After a short discussion Mr . Anderson consented to leave the question in the hands of Ministers . A division waa culled for , however , when the numbers were : — For tho resolution , 03 Against it . ( Majority ugainst . — ' 15
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f March 29 , 1851 . ] & 1 ) C ILvaftCV . 287
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THli ! MAIN EUKOi'KAJSr QUESTIONS . Louis Napoleon ' s cum : Htands on the following terms . In order that he may be rccleeted , or that he may obtain a prolongation of Win power , the Constitution of 1848 muat be either revised or annihilated . Now the revision or modification of tho Constitution in reserved among the . exclusive attributes of the Constituent Assembly . A Constituent Assembly must result , from an election on the broadest basis of universal sull ' tage ; and tho convocation of such an Assembly must be sanctioned by a majority of three-fourths of the present , or Legislative Assembly : all thin must , lie brought to puss previous to the month of May , 18 /") ' 2 . It is reckoned pretty accurately , that two-thirds of the Nationul Awaombly at tho present day would not j
hesitate to declare in favour of a revision of the Constitution . Unfortunately , two-thirds are not equal to three-fourths , and the remaining third is made up of stubborn republicans as well as of men who have some respect for the laws of the countrysuch as they are ; and the President has no chance whatever with the Assembly . ' , . But the majority—those two-thirds who would be favourable to a revision of the Constitution—are the very men who brought about the electoral law of May 31 , by which from three to four millions of Frenchmen were robbed of their right oi vote ; and they are consequently reluctant to give their consent
to the election of a Constituent Assembly ; an election which , by the terms of the Constitution and by the consent of all free nations , ought to be based on the suffrage of all . Any bill for a revision of that nature should , moreover , in compliance with the letter of the Constitution , go through three successive readings—at the interval of three months from each other , —and , besides , could 6 nly acquire the force of the law two months after the last reading . The present Assembly must , consequently , be at work at least eleven months , or say a year , before an appeal could be made to the sense of the nation by the means of a general election . The attainment of his object through legal means is , ' therefore , almost materially out of the question :
and Louis Napoleon has looked in vain for a steady support to the army and the people . Vain have been the Champagne reviews : vain the triumphal progresses : vain the appeal to the Municipal Councils . And yet the difficulty is not as to the probable result of the election , but merely as to the means of coming to the election itself without too outrageous a violation of the fundamental laws of the country . The nation at large—that is , nowadays , the million of shopkeepers ; the Assembly—that is , its reactionary majority—Legitimists , Orleanists , and other partisan ? , however personally hostile to the President , can see no safety for France—that is , no furtherance of their own views—save only in the prolongation of the present Executive .
With such a quasi-unanimity of wishes and interests , it is very clear that the knot that cannot be untied must be cut . The Club of the Rue des Pyramides , the Conservatives of the Elysee party , have given a hint as to the best means of going to work . On the motion of Leon Faucher , they propose that the electoral law of the 31 st of May be adopted as an organic law , applicable to all elections , whether national , provincial , or municipal : they would move , also , that the Presidential election be postponed till the year 185-1 .
Ihe scheme is sufficiently sensible , and as likely to be adopted as the bill for putting off the election of the National Guards . The only difliculty consists in finding the man who will " bell the cat . " The President , it must be remembered , at the present moment has none but men of straw for a Ministry : some statesman of name and ability is required for tho job now in contemplation , and all intrigues for the formation of a coalition Cabinet have been hitherto foiled by the jealousy and bad faith of the several Conservative parties . There is only one man in all France not insuperably obnoxious to the President ,
and yet possessed of a sufheient authority to reconcile the French to the arbitrary measures that are now deemed indispensable for their own good—and that is , Odilon Barrot . But Odilon Barrot—blessings on his name ! — is a stickler for legality . He has no objection to the revision of tho constitution ; but he will abide by every line of it till it is lawfully repealed : and insists that the President should begin by stepping down from his exalted position , at the expiration of his term , and withdraw into private life with all tho signal self-denial of a Washington or a Jefferson .
'lliis intimation is not of a nature to flatter the ambition of the " Nephew , ' who , consequently , jogs on with his present no-Ministry , with his men of " ollice without power . " These dilliculties and uncertainties liavo a fatal effect on the spirits of the French nation : and as the time of the great crisis draws near , an anxious anticipation of coining storms begins to prevail . The papers are full of the stagnation in the trade and movement both of the capital and the provinces : imd cmmntTciul distress in truth prepares the country for future discontent and disturbance . Government is carried on with the greatest , ease ; notwithstanding . Louis Napoleon and bin minority Cabinet leap over all obstacles with ( ho lightness of the winning horse at a steeple chiise .
'The disturbances at > St . Amand , and in ii ) uuy other districts , arising from the drawing of thu Conscription , are quelled with the least possible show of violence . All remonstrances raised in the Assembly on the subject of the dissolution of the National ( iuiud of { Strasbourg , or on the subject of ( lit : expedition against the Kabyles , are disposed of in all instances by the adoption of tho or dm du jour , pur c . t simpln , always by considerable majorities . Kvery mciiHtirc the object of which in merely to knock the people on the head , is sure of strong support on the purl , of tho obliging Legislators . The hawking of nownuupcTH about the strcett * " m now to be put down .
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FoKKidN Fr . ouit . —A short conversation took place in the House of Lords on Monday , on the competition to which the flour trade of Kngland and Ireland is exposed by the large importations from France . The . Karl of Dcsart said the mill property in Ireland was almost completely destroyed by the operation of free-trade . J'larl Cirey could see no cause for alarm . If any one would reflect for a single inomi nt , he would see that it was absolutely impossible that the advantage should not be on the side of the English miller . Our machinery unid mechanical ingenuity surpassed that of all other countries , and then we had the advantage of cheap coal , compared with the French . Lord Stanley did not think the cheapness of coal would be of much advantage to mills chielly driven by water power .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 29, 1851, page 287, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1876/page/3/
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