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The discussion on the Army Estimates was opened on Monday evening by Mr . Humb moving that no money be voted until the financiA } statement has been made . Government had brtfttght forward a& absurd budget , which had been universally condemned , and then withdrawn for reconsideration . The country was placed in a state of complete embarrassment on . account of the way-in -which business was neglected . It was high time for . Parliament to interfere and compel Government to bring forward the budget . The House ought to look at the
enormous increase of expenditure which has taken place during the last ten years . In 1842 the whole amount of therevenue was £ 48 , 500 , 000 , and at present it was between £ 54 , 000 , 000 and £ 55 , 000 , 000 . In the changed circumstances of the country , when profits were so much reduced , and when distress was pressing upon particular interests , they must begin the work of reduction . Sir Charxes Wood understood Mr . Hume ' s object to be to obtain an assurance that the budget would be brought forward on Friday . He could assure him that it would , " unless some unforeseen occurrence should take place . There was no man in the House more anxious than himself that the
statement should be made . " Mr . W . Williams said Sir Charles Wood had entirely mistaken the object of Mr . Hume ' s complaint . What he had complained of was that Sir Charles had delayed bringing forward the budget until he had obtained the army , navy , and ordnance votes , amounting to about £ 14 , 500 , 000 . Mr . Sharman Crawford , Mr . Mowatt , and Mr . Wakley all complained of the delay which had taken place in proposing the budget ; and Sir Chables again stated , amidst the laughter of the House , that " it was his intention to make his statement on Friday . " Mr . Hume ' s motion was then ¦ withdrawn , and the House went into committee . Some discussion took place on most of the votes , but they were all carried by large majorities .
Lord Torrington , taking advantage of the present favourable juncture of circumstances for so awkward a case , brought forward the Ceylon question in the House of Lords , on Tuesday evening , by moving that a message be sent to the House of Commons for a copy of the report and evidence of the select committee on Ceylon . He felt compelled to call their lordships' attention to the subject in consequence oF the withdrawal of Mr . H . Bai . lie ' s notice of motion in t e House of Commons , which left him no other means of meeting , without delay , the calumnies lie had b ^ en exposed to . He asserted that his conduct in Ceylon had been in accordance with the views of th (> members of the civil Government , and , when
measures of restriction became necessary , with those of the military authorities on the spot . When he rir .- > t assumed the administration of Ceylon his attention whs directed to the means of making therevenue equal to theexpenditure ; and themeasures he adopted , both by improving the first and reducing the second , had been attend , d with success , and proved tha , t he had the interests of the colony at heart . The proclamation of martial law when disturbances occurred had been made a matter of charge ag ; iinst him ; but when the treacherous habits of an Eastern population , as contrasted with those of an European , were duly considered , he felt persuaded that the necessity of taking strong and decisive measures to secure the tranquillity of the country would be admitted . He denied that the courts-martial were improperly conducted ;
and lie asked , looking to the character of the officers employed , whether it was likely they would lend themselves to acts of cruelty and injustice . The ordinary civil power could not have preserved the peace of the country , and the Legislative Council in 184 8 and 1849 approved his conduct . In proof of this he read addresses from European colonists and merchants at Ceylon expressing regret at his resignation . Eurl Grky thought his noble friend hud done right in culling the attention of the Mouse to the subject . Ah regarded the course pursued in putting down the rebellion , he thought it had been dictated by true humanity . The Governor , indeed , was re-Bponuible for proclaiming martial law , but it rested with tlie officers who carried it out to administer it with hu / nanity as well as firmness : —
" To say that no abuse might have taken place during the existence o . f martial law wan , as bin noble friend stated , more than any man could take upon himself to > affirm . When in time of war and in periods of rebellion , when the ordinary administration of the law was necessarily arrested , and when it became iicceaBary to restrain ana curb the evil passions of mankind , it was impossible to believe that abuses would not sometimes take place . The noble duke who flat at the table had had experience of these things . To check those abuses the noble duke wttii compelled to adopt measures of very great severity , under very great « nd wholesome manner , when bin noble friend Ceylon , abuses might have taken char that whatever any persons against the desire and against iend . '' NCITON > w ' B ront indignation , between his mariial law : — % r ¦
" Martial law was Wfeifh % fttefcjfcor less than the will of the general who commanded tie army ; it was in fact no law at all . The gehf r * l must carry the law into execution . He was bou « l to lay down accurately the rules and ^ regulations and n % \ ts within and by . which it was to be jfc % rried into e * i&fotfon- He had , in , defence of his cotilV fry , parried dWartialIkw , thatwKVcbsay , he had « hrrfed on Jhfe laws TO ^ the Country by h » Own will . What did th « , T ( hean ? Why , Wit the couritty ehofcld be governed b > the nation *! laws ; and he accordingly , carried into tie tne /
execution ttitm laws , goveriuea country oy me U&B ' of the fe ^ ntry ; *** go * eriwd % lie must say , with such modWatfcm that th ' 6 political 1 servants of the country , whose military forces were driven out of the country , acted under his direction . The judges sat in the courts of law , and conducted efficiently the business of the country under his direction . He never was suspected to have acted in the manner in which the noble viscount who had addressed their lordships was said to have done , and he protested against being called into comparison ^ any way whatever -with the noble viscount . ( Cheers . )"
Earl Grey said that all he meant was merely that there might , no doubt , be cases in which soldiers and officers acting under the noble duke , who would be guilty of abuses contrary to his wishes , and for -which they would no doubt be punished . " So he thought it very likely there were abuses in Ceylon of which his noble friend , the governor of that colony , knew nothing ; but if such abuses did take place , he was sure no one would be more ready than his noble friend to punish them as soon as they became known to him . "
Two suffrage measures came under discussion in the House of Commons , on Wednesday : the Compound Householders' Bill , and Mr . Locke King's County Franchise Bill . The House having gone into committee on the former measure , Sir William Clay proposed to introduce a clause which should give lodgers or occupants , tendering the amount of rates due from the landlord , a light to vote . Lord John Russell admitted the justice of the proposed amendment , but opposed it on the ground of form . " In point of fairness to the House there ought to have been notice given of the intended amendment . " Mr . Bright thought it better to allow the proposed alteration to be made . Sir William Clay ultimately
consented to withdraw the amendment , and would « ive notice of reintroducirig it on bringing up the report . Previous to the bill being reported Lord Robert Grosvenor suggested that as three of the four leaders of parties in the House had declared in favour of an extension of the suffrage , and as Lord John Russell had promised to bring forward a bill for that object , it would be better that all partial measures should be withdrawn , and that the House should come to a tacit agreement to take up the subject next year in a sp irit of conciliation and comprehensive liberality . Mr . W . Williams said that was simply asking them to do nothing this sess-on ; and Ministers , in return , if they should happen to be in office next year , and felt disposed , would do something , nobody what .
In moving the "second reading of the Cbunty Franchise Bill , Mr . Locke Kino disclaimed all intention of wishing to embarrass Ministers , or of not being in earnest . He had felt that great interests were at stake , that the cause of free trade was in danger , owing to the great diminution in our county constituencies . Making allowance for the increase of population flince 1841 , he found that the falling off jn the number of county electors was 95 , 270 , or nearly 20 per cent . This showed that there were causes for such an alteration as he demanded . He warned Ministers against putting off the question of reform till it was too late . Delay and postponement had always been the characteristic of the Tory party . They never took warning , although history was full of examples .
Mr . Fox Maule hoped Mr . King would not press this measure , which , he admitted , had been undertaken by him bond ride . He concurred in what had been said by Lord J . Russell , that the class comprehended by the bill was perfectly worthy to enjoy the franchise ; he believed that the time had come when an extension of the franchise might be conceded ; and the noble lord had most distinctly given the House and the country to understand that , hud not other measures of" importance intervened , he should have introduced thin session a measure for the
improvement of the Reform Act . He deprecated a hit by bit system of reform ; he warned Reformers that their meusures could be carried only by union among themselves , and that there was u party in thnt Hume which did not recognize the nccuHHity of reform , and was opposed to thepurty by which measures of reform hud been carried : — " He called upon them then to combine , and follow the banner of him who , twenty yours ago , had led them to one of the greatest reform * that any country had ever received at the hands of any Government , and who would
if allowed to uac his own time and to exercise bin own feelings , lead them to still further victories in the constitutional progress of Parliamentary reform . H <; wus confident that his nobl « friend Would do that if the He form party would combine together ; but , on the other hand , > fthey withdrew from lain that confide oe m > which he t h ought he was justly entitled at their hands , and from time to time brought forward measures to extend the franchise , then their rndeavours , so far from being successful , knight end in a discussion which would have the 1 (
effect of itoppiag rarrofr Measures of reform for a considerable ner ^ ocl , 1 ^ migh t lead to the placing of the affairs of thu country in tne hands of those who were opposed to all refortirs . The only result of introducine measures such afe thfs mtwt be disappointment and delay . ' . Sir tejsNJAtaiN-ft&iAk an& Sir De Lacy Evans both ttrged Mr . King to with&raw his motion , seeing that they had had so flfttinct a declaration as to the intentions of the noble lord . Mr . Bright said he had listened With ctmuMferaftTe satisfaction to the frank declaration of tne Secretary-at-War , but what said the noble lord oh the su bject ? The majority were agreed that the country is about to take another step on the platform of the Reform Bill , but the Secre-. £ r- ^^ . * . - ; , _ . _ ™^ " ^* " ™ " »™^^__
tary-at-War objected to the present bill because it dealt with only a part of the question . There was some force in the objection , but when Mr . Hume came forward with his proposal to give the whole thing at once , they were told that the proposition was too monstrous to be even discussed . The question they had now to discuss was , whether they ought not to extend the £ 10 franchise to the inhabitants of counties . No one would say that that class had less industry , frugality , intelligence , and virtue than £ 10 householders residing in boroughs . "Why , then , refuse to give them the franchise ? Were they told that it would increase the Protectionist interest ?
Even if it should he would not object to the bill . He would not look to a measure merely as tending to give Whigs or Protectionists the power to hold office . If the noble lord would give an outline of what he intended to do the bill might be withdrawn , but till it was known whether the measure to be proposed would be a large and generous one , or a small and peddling one , there was no ground for giving up the present bill . Mr . Htjme , Mr . Headlam , Mr . T . Dun combe , Mr . Alderman Sidney , Mr . Sharman Cuawforb , Mr . Heyworth , and Mr . M'Culiagh , all declared their determination to vote for the second reading , chiefly on the ground that Lord John had said nothing yet on which they could rely . Mr . Beknal Osborne , Mr . H . Pigott , Colonel
Romilly ; , all urged Mr . King to withdraw the bill . Colonel Thompson , who took the same view , said he differed altogether from those Free Traders who thought it a matter of no consequence who sat on the Ministerial benches . " He would rather see a foreign army-in possession of London eix weeks , than seethe Protectionists for six weelis in possession of those benches . " Lord John Ru « seix put it to the House whether it was desirable to affirm the proposition upon the ground upon which Mr . King had put it , namely , that this was one of the measures he wished to see carried ; and whether , as so much depended upon the constitution of the electoral body , they should adopt one measure now and another hereafter , instead of having a whole scheme for the alteration or extension of the franchise at once before the House .
He had been asked to give some view of the nature of the proposition he intended to make , but he thought that would be the very worst course to pursue : — " There might be many weighty reasons for bringing forward a measure for the extension of the suffrage during the present year , but there might also be many good reasons ( and he thought there were ) for postponing the subject to another year ; but he did not think any intelligent reason could be assigned for stating in the present year the general nature of the proposition which
he intended to make next year , and to let it gr » forth unexplained to the country , to be canvassed and discussed from time to time during the whole period between this and the next session of Parliament . He adhered to the declaration ho had made on other occasions , that on the ground of the improvement and intelligence of the people , and the general spread of information since t . he year 1831 , and likewise because of the defects of the Reform Bill itself , thut it would be wise of the House in the course of the next session , and he should say at the very commencement of the session , to consider a measure for the extension of the franchise . "
Mr . Dihhabli said he would oppose any attempt to strengthen a particular party or class by means of a new Reform Bill . Mr . Lockk Ktno said he left the question in the ham ' s of the House . On a division the numbers
were : — For the motion 83 Against it 299 Majority ugainst the second reading . 210 A short conversation took place in tho House of Commons on Tuesday regarding the foreign refugees } n London . Mr . J . S . Woiitlky usked &r George Grey whether his attention hud been called to the broceedingH of certain persons , not subjects of her Majesty , but at present residing in this country : — " He had in his possession the proofs of the existence of a wide-spread conspiracy throughout all Europe , a
branch of which was extended to this county . There exists in tliin country a body styling itself the Central Fiiiropean Committee , which professed in it » manifesto the subvention of all the governments of central Kurope , without confining itself to any number , or exempting ' any one ; n » d that thin commit toe recommended , as the JmcaiiH of effecting that object , insurrection and tho «*¦ ' U'rmination of existing Sovereigns . It would he r ° ' jmeinbered that in die year 1848 the Government l ' " obtitiiu-d from Parliument the power to remove from thi « country euch foreigners aft might be considered danger-
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310 ffit ) * & ** & **? [ Saturday , ,-. ^ » V- ? , - * - ¦ -W- * . ... ¦ .... — . * ¦ ¦ * . - ' — —ii ^ j
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PARLIAMENT OF THE * WEEK .
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and to place the people rigour . In the same * 3 # P ^ 8 nW * iJ * iJ ftVV in j :, jpTa ^^ f c ^^^ wS ^ fiUall y £ 4 fui ^ inCTo 4 « i 5 jf > wjflHdono 'T^ tW ^ j ^ bis h ^ W l ^ i ' '^ k ^^*^^^^ Ti ^ S *'' ' £ ~ ffiflQli ' il ^ q tm ci ) iinnarinoii Y &U $ tbM : «» f jUl ^ l Arlington PC- ; , ' , . <¦ ¦; » ¦ \ ¦ - - ¦ ¦ -.. j ¦ - > •\ . \ L > » w " ^ ^^ — ~ ~» r ^ " — ™^ p and to place the people » rigour . ' In the eame 1 n £ | pXpdWlSiJ W * l lftW in ^ V- ' in ^ pM ^ ejually & 4 fuiraw-ntWB d (/ flijB wjppdoi ~ i ^^ i ^^^ Tf * A ] A k ^^^^^ - ^ is *** * & ~ fflflcliitrfrdil all «) onpari Y k ^ tbkt «» f Mwl tEWii hA ; -, . •; . - » ¦ \ ¦ - - ¦ ¦ -.. j ¦ - > v . % - >^
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 5, 1851, page 310, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1877/page/2/
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