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Chartism is rising in high places . The House of Commons has permitted Mr . Henry Berkeley to introduce a bill appointing the Ballot in the election of Members , and Lord John Russell has made a " declaration" in favour of abolishing the property qualification . Universal Suffrage is becoming a familiar idea . Lord John has before talked as if he intended to have a direct representation of working-men in his promised Reform Bill for 1852 .
We cannot , laowever , set much store by these apparent advances . Mr . Berkeley has before carried his annual Ballot-motion ; and , indeed , motions by independent Members to thin Houses during the dinner-time , are getting to be regarded as trifles . Ministers will no longer take the trouble to " whip in" Members to prevent them . Lord John ' s declaration was made under circumstances of solemn trifling . The question before the House was the Committee on Mr . Hutt ' s
Colonial Qualification Bill : Mr . Tufnell moved an instruction to that Committee to abolish the qualification for English Members of Parliament , and in the debate on that lop-sided motion , Lord John made his declaration , that he did not think property qualification necessary . Members were overpowered with grateful surprise ; Mr . Tufnell withdrew his amendment , and Mr . Hutt withdrew his bill , hastening to leave everything in the hands of Lord John . Such a premium is there still for Lord John ' s declarations . Yet he has made
them before : he has declared that Church property in Ireland should be devoted to un-sectarian purposes ; he has declared that it would be puerile to prevent Roman Catholic bishops from taking the titles of places ; and he has declared many other things . His reply to Mr . Hume , in the case of Van Diemen ' s Land , might have reminded the House how little there is to expect from a declaration . Mr . Hume proposed to defer the vote for the expenses of transportation to Van Diemen ' H Land , until the House nhould know more respecting the feelings of the Colonists an to transportation ; on which Lord John replied with a iluent
recapitulation of past changes in the system , ho put as to imply that Ministers had never pledged themselves to give up transportation , or to do anything else in particular . To accept . Lord John Russell ' s explanation , one may understand that Ministers never pledge themselves to anything ; but that sometimes the language of Minintcrtj sounds promising , and sometimes they are Hcriipulous about " raising hopes "; sometimes their actions happen to be popular , and sometimes the reverse ; but that in any cuho they providently lay up a atore of expressions ! which they can fetch out to fortify an explanation . To explain retrospectively is as easy ua to declare protectively , and about an uHcful . [ Town Edition , !
Present services are the things that it is not so easy to extract . Mr . Thomas Duncombe proposes that non-payment of the House-tax shall not forfeit the parliamentary franchise of the occupant ; but Ministers object , that if a franchise depends upon the occupation of rateable property , there is no reason for not paying the rate or tax . Novr , according to the Whig theory , the property qualification is not a consideration or purchase of the vote , but only a rude proximate test of the class to which the voter belongs ; but , it seems , besides that test , they exact the test of punctual payments .
Mr . Ewart proposed to exempt from the tax houses built in flats , on the plan of the model lodging-houses most likely to be imitated in popular neighbourhoods . The Chancellor of the Exchequer made some feeble objections on the ground that exemptions facilitate fraud , and the motion was rejected by 164 to 40 . Almost simultaneously , the House of Lords was receiving Lord the erection of
Shaftesbury ' s Bill to facilitate model lodging-houses , under the direction of town councils and other local bodies , and Lord Shaftesbury ' s Bill will probably be carried . If so , it will be necessary to follow it up with a separate measure , conferring that very exemption which Mr . Ewart failed in securing . Such is the mode of transacting public business ; doing and undoing , but doing nothing directly , or at the proper time .
Mr . Scully ' s proposal to promote reproductive employment of the paupers in Ireland furnished an example of the progress which sound doctrine is making ; even Members of Parliament are beginning to follow the example set them by poorlaw guardians . Ministers replied with stale commonplaces , and the motion was negatived by 64 to 42 . Its supporters , however , form a curious list—Poulett Scrope , Colonel Thompson , Sbarman Crawford , Sir John Walahe , Lord Claude Hamilton , and Mr . Henley . The Protectionists will learn in time , that henceforward their main object can only bo attained through the principle of
con-. Among the little ministerial defeats of the day must be mentioned Lord Robert CJrosvenor ' s success with the motion to repeal the Attorney ' s and Solicitor ' s Certificate duty : he beat Ministers by 1 G 2 to 132 . In this flat time , the Bishops and their incomes have afforded game for some newwpuper controversy , and they have ventured into print themselves . The Bishop of London ' s » : nonnoua estate at Paddington , is an iinccuBing field for Sir Benja » min Mall and other Church agronomists . The
Bishop of Gloucester has been hroiight into the contest by Mr . llorstuan ' s citation of the ltqrfield case . The Bishop denies the alleged understanding , that ho was not to renew the leutse of that estate , but to surrender it to the Eecleuiantical Commissioners for general purpuuen ; but , " according to his own account , it appears that he has leased it to his own secretary , iu order to keep it under
his own control , and to make improvements promise to be very lucrative . The Bishop of Durham lies under no worse charge than that of having received a larger income annually than he stipulated to retain for himself . M . de Tocqueville has at length read his elaborate report on the Revision question in the French Assembly . The report is a state document of great value—clear , consistent , and temperate . The whole question is discussed with a fearlessness and quiet energy which are very admirable—the absence of rhetoric being by no means its least recommendation . The gist of his recommendations is in accordance with the notions of the Rue des
Pyramides , namely , total revision ; but we venture to say that the arguments and qualifications with which he enforces and surrounds his positions , will please neither the Bonapartists , the Legitimists , nor the Orlcanists . Jn point of fact , the only recognized party which can be satisfied with the tone of the report is the Republican , and their satisfaction will only be negative . De Tocqueville proposes to appeal from parties to the nation at large , by summoning a Constituent Assembly . We must remark here an error into which an
intelligent writer in the Morning Chronicle has very naturally fallen . He says the Republicans have sustained the position that the Constitution was as perfect as any human institution could be ; and that they have imputed the agitation of the country , and the conflicts between the Executive and the Legislative Assembly , solely to the disloyalty of the dominant parties in not accepting the conditions imposed by the Constitution . Now
it is a remarkable fact , that so long ago as the spring of 1850 , Pierre Leroux published a series of papers in La Repu 6 lu / ue , in which he pointed out , on behalf of the Republican party , those two identical legislative mistakes which M . de Tocqueville has so severely handled—the election by departments , and the mode of electing the President of the Republic . The extreme Republicans were , and are , equally opposed to both modes of
election . The President of the Republic has made another speech , of which we have only to remark that its tone is more imperial than ever . KoN . suth has written a letter to the Charge des Affaires of the United States at Constantinople , exposing the kind of liberation of exiles , which Lord Piiimerston claims credit for having helped to bring about . These refugees were friends of Kossuth , and were forced to separate from him by an Austrian Commissary—Lord Palinerston ' snlly . Dock the Foreign Secretary confound the word * liberation and transportation ? ,.. .
Mouuwliik' , the practical . working of Austrian iilanrtijlui . government of Hungary especially the internal pnSKp \> rL system , which interfere * with the freedom of common intercourse , and liaroRfiCH the people of Hungary in their daily occupations •—ttvciwH likely io toimc them ngain to resistance .
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P « ' which VOL . II . ^ -No . 68 . SATURDAY , JULY 12 , 1851 . ce 6 d .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 12, 1851, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1891/page/1/
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