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The contest about Alderman Salomons in the Commons , the contest about the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill in the Lords—those have been the leading subjects of the week in Parliament . The Commons spent Friday in discussing the case of Mr . Salomons , Monday , Tuesday , and again adjourned to Friday . No real progress seems to -have been made on either side . The position taken by Mr . Salomons differs from that of the Baron de Rothschild , in his assuming that he is right , acting upon that assumption , and braving consequences . He did not , as many at first supposed , follow up the genuine taking of the oath by the offer to take it pro forma , with the surplusage
prescribed , avowing that he uttered the words only as a form ; but he took the oath exactly as it had been taken by the Baron , and afterwards he sat , spoke , and voted . He was assailed with cries of "Order , " with indignant speeches from the opponents of Lord John Russell ' s bill , with disclaimers by Lord John himself-, with motions of censure , prohibition , and expulsion ; but no party then and there threatened to take the initiative in prosecuting him . Lord John Russell moved a resolution , declaring that , not having taken the oath , he could not sit ; and Mr . George Thompson moved an amendment , pledging the House to alter the oath ; but the debate hat been adjourned .
Meantime , the Baron de Rothschild has backed his friend , by a public meeting in the City . The City has shown much spirit in this matter before , and has called upon Lord John to make the admission of its own Member a Cabinet quewtion . The lordly debate on the Papal aggression ha » made still less way . With one or two remarkable exceptions , the speeches may be described as a more calm and compact recitation of the arguments ko much used in the House of Commons . Lord Lansdowne ' n rehearsal of the best arguments in favour of the bill was of that kind . The Earl of Aberdeen presented the case on the other . side with great clearness , showing that the aggression was not of a kind to demand counter -aggression ; that
if it did , the bill was not calculated to aiford such countor-aggretjsiou ; and that the Ministerial conduct , with itn extravagances , ito vacillations , it « provocatives and concetssiona , was itself a centime on the measure . The Duke of Newcastle showed that the Papal bull must have been anticipated ; and , indeed , Lord Minto let out that be knew of Cardinal Wiseman ' s elevation before be went to Rome ! Lord Lyndhurst , author of the Relief Act of ' 40-7 , who introduced that measure with an explanation that it was intended to peimit the introduction of built ) in order to the appointment of bishops , added himself to the list of Ujoho who adopt Lord John's lust gross I TOWN EDITION , ]
inconsistency . We are not disposed to criticize Lord Lyndhurst ' s conduct—not because age has dimmed his faculties , for we believe that they are still bright and vigorous , but because a man so bowed down by time must feel , above all things , responsible to his conscience , and almost irresponsible to anything else . Lord Beaumont , who occupies the unintelligible position of a Roman Catholic supporting the bill on grounds of Roman Catholic polity , as necessary to the independence of Catholics in Englagyd—a Protestant protection against the Pope I—can plead no such exemption ; indeed we do hot eee what plea he can lay before his fellow Catholics , except , perchance , that he has absolution from the Duke of Norfolk .
A little wrangling about the Church of England in the Colonies , during the discussion of supply , drew from Mr . Gladstone the announcement that next session he should introduce a bill to regulate and fortify the hierarchical discipline of the Church in the Colonies . A question of very great importance—and , if the House of Commons look at the moral and intellectual aspects of it , of great interest—has been brought forward by Lord Dudley Stuart . We allude to the motion of the noble lord on the
treatment of Mr . Ernest Jones in prison , lhe ancient theory of religious persecution , which punished offences of conscience with more ignominy than felonies , long ago exploded as a blot on civilized jurisprudence , is revived in political imprisonments . Mr . Bouverie tells us that English law recognizes no distinctions between political and criminal offenders , which comes out in the end thus—that political opinion may be worse punished than criminal acts , because the prejudices of magistrates lead them to revenge defeat on the platform , by retaliation when they have succeeded in putting their opponents in gaol . The theory of our law on this point is grossly immoral , and must
foment the darkest passions . I lie defence , too , of the law is no whit belter than its theory . Mr . Jones feels himself bound to resent the indignity put upon him by compelling him to pick oakum , and he refused to purchase exemption , which would have admitted the rightfulncss of the indignity put upon him . Mr . lionvcrie ways , * ' It appeared that Mr . Jones preferred to be persecuted , because he would not puy or allow any money to be paid , to relieve him from this labour . " This is an interpretation , but Parliamentary we suppose , as neither the Speaker nor any Member rebuked it ; but it is brutal and disingenuous notwithstanding . Are these to bo the lessouH of senators to the people ?
lhe Peace Congress han assembled in great force at Kxeter Hall , and has carried its resolutions with a bloodless victory ; no enemy appearing . The difficulty in to uudei-stand how , with whatever semblance of unanimity , speaker * and politicians ho different in their actions , can be at on © in their ideas : how can David Brewster , Emile de Girardin , Cobden , Victor Hugo , and John Burnct interpret
" peace" in the same way ? Practically , the Congress appears to make no advance ; it has as yet established no machinery ; it tried its hand on Schleswig-HoIstein—fiat experimentum—and that country has been handed back to the absolute power of Denmark . In the French Assembly , as we foresaw , revision has proved impossible . The party of Order have been signally defeated ; the majority have been routed ; Imperialist , Fusionist , Legitimist — all have been frustrated .
The officials of the French Republic number at least 500 , 000 , all directly appointed by the Government . The Prefects of the Departments are Royalists or Imperialists ; and the general officers who hold commands in the army , belong to tbe same factions . The Republic has no servants , and yet it cannot beoverthrown . Within the last week , the Ministry have been twice defeated ; once when the revision was rejected by a majority numbering ninety more than that required b y the Constitution ; and again when 333 to 320 decided that the Minister of the Interior had unduly interfered in " getting up " the famous petition movement for revision . It is a great triumph for the friends of Continental liberty .
The l " arty of Order have demonstrated three things before the eyes of Europe . First , they havo shown that the disorderly party in the Assembly do not sit solely on the Mountain ; that insult , fury , and turbulence are rampant on the Right , when their schemes break down under them . Secondly , the debate has shown that M . Dupin , the pet President of the Party of Order , grows more partial , flippant , and insulting ! He exhorted the disputants to calmness , and he interrupted them with unseemly puna . He called Victor Hugo to order for his attack upon those who , prone upon
their faces , listened for the sound of the Russian cannon ; and he suffered M . Baroche to go scot free , when he denounced the Constituent Assembly . Thirdly , the l * arty of Order , unable longer to endure the great indictment of their policy and practices , day after day developed at the tribune , impatient of that chastisement they have ho often administered to others , and taking refuge in their overwhelming majority , put an end to the debate before little more than half the chief speakera had addressed the Assembly . Yes ; la cldture was pronounced ; the minority were gagged ; this ivaii itself a confession of defeat . For them ifc wuh
time : never , wince the 24 th of February , 18-18 , haw the hall of the Assembly rung with such powerful words in defence of human freetlom . This defeat leaves the question still open ; leaven the eventualities of the future unprovidetJ for ; leaves the constitution ^ demise of tho Legm . attire and Executive possible— with the Jaw of the 3 lh , t of May unrepealcd ; leaven unchecked the hazards of coups-de-main ; and also leaven the people free to take the initiative , if need bo . Thus tho inattor is handed over to 1852 .
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VOL . II . —No . 70
SATURDAY , JULY 26 , 1851 .
Price 6 d .
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News of the Week— Page The Xorwich Mnrder 699 Social Reform . — Explanation to The Open . NEWS OF THE week r '«? P ,. Honal Vews mil Gob « ip < i » 9 some of the Objections 704 Godiva '" £ H 2 SE-a . " « : S ' "Z | i ? - : ^ - ISIS : —;; : ;; ::::: 3 ^^^ ¦¦ T ^ -poii ^ i&ki ' rtMM- ™ Pubuc ^ ks- _ Lie ^ s Chemical Letters 7 , 7 J ^ Uhu . A ffl . » ...... < | tera 697 Gladstone the Witness 702 Books on our lable 708 ^ LS" ^« Uha Deceased Wife b Peiseeutons of Freiligrath : our How to push Reform for " Next Portfolio- M £ "T . .. 713 Prussian Allies 698 Session . " 703 Extraordinary Occurrence at a re- r ^ J ^ r iVi . ' Affv ' ibs- The Peace Confess at Exeter-hall 698 Privileges of a Gentleman 703 cent B ^ U Masque 09 C ^ Xt 9 Ga ^ eU ^ Idvertuements . The late Dr . Lingard G 9 s . Realities <<*> j . iibaui& 712-15 The case of Ann Hicks 699 Mr . Coning-ham at Brighton 701 Angelo ioa ^
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 26, 1851, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1893/page/1/
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