On this page
- Departments (2)
-
Text (9)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
' pnhlk Marts.
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
JB % U fp& ir ft £ y ¦^Va-KL Cs ^
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
his name to it . He had been staying at Johnny Broome ' s public-house , and the fraternity had gone down to Brighton faces at the expense of William Harap , accompanied by three ladies . John Broome , Charles Staden , and John James were yesterday folly committed for trial . ,. , ,, , In May last a young lady , Miss Wyse , died suddenly in the house of a clergyman , Mr . Hele , at Bishopsteignton , near Exeter . Circumstances since occurred which aroused the suspicions of her relatives , and a note from Major Ellison , her uncle , to Mr . Hele , declining to receive that gentleman and his wife at the major ' s house >
induced ' Mr . Hele to have the body exhumed and examined . The inquest took place on Wednesday and Thursday . The contents of the stomach were submitted to Mr . Herepath , and he found that she had died of prussic acid . One of the servants in the house alleged ill-treatment of Miss Wyse by Mr . and Mrs . Hele . Ther « was no evidence to show that Miss Wyse had been poisoned . The coroner in summing up said— " In reference to the alleged ill-treatment by Mr . and Mi ' s . Hele of the deceased , Mr . Hele was a clergyman of the Church of England , and could not have gone to such lengths as would have induced the deceased to have committed sueh
an act : " and the jury returned the following verdict ;—"We find that Jane Wyse came to her death by taking essential oil of almonds ; but whether she took it with the intention of putting an end to her life or not , we Cannot sat . ''
Untitled Article
THE GERMAN" AGITATION UNION OF LONDON . A society under the above name has been formed for the purpose of reestablishing the lawful rights of the German people which were overthrown by a despotism as barbarous m its eruelty , and mare lawless than that of Naples , arid crushing with the same iron weight the whole of Italy and Hungary . The Society will make use only of means of agitation within the limits of the laws of England . The society is not merely for discussion , but preeminently for work .
Each of the members who have at present acceded to it has undertaken to work in a special department of the business of agitation . To prevent misconception or wilful misrepresentation , the society declares distinctly that it has no pretension whatever to be a secret Government of Germany . The society has entrusted Dr . Karl Tausenau , of "Vienna , with its central direction , and has appointed him , with full power , to be its representative and agent in all its external business and negotiations . London , August 15 , 1851 . Signed in the name of the society , Joseph Fickler . Johannes Honge . Dr . GottfriedFkanck . Arnold Huge . Amanu Gokgg . Franz Sigel . Daniel IIerti , e . The German Agitation Union of London approves of the position of Dr . Arnold Huge in the European Central Committee . London , August 15 , 1851 . Signed in the name of the society , Joseph Ficki . er Johannks Eongk . Dr . Gottfkiki ) Fuanck . Franz Sigkl . Amanji Goegg . Dr . Karx Tausenau . Daniel Hhkixe . By the power entrusted to me by the German Agitation Union of London , I herby invite all friends of the German popular cause in Europe ; and America , to send their communications , suggestions , periodical or other money contributions , to me by safe means , and free of postage . Dit , Kaiw , Tausenau . London , August 15 , 1851 . 8 , IJarnard ' s-inn , Holborn .
Untitled Article
HAIIMONY-IUI . L PETITION . Bheflield , August 13 , 1851 . Sir , — On the 27 th of July a general meeting of the members of the She / Held Branch of the Rational ? Society w ; ih lu « ld , ut which a petition to l ' arliument on tlu : Hubject . of Harmony-hall , somewhat similar to that , from the Central Board , which appeared in your t-oluninH , was uimnimouHly adopted . I HOnt it to our member , Mr . Parker , for presentation , and he has inlornmd tn <> by letter that he duly presented the mtran . Yours , reHpeetfulIy , Wm , IjA ( VTON , Secretary . To the Kditor of" the Leader .
Untitled Article
roKTUAIT OK KOSMIJTir . A portrait ; of Kossuth in to be noen in London . We have ju ^ f , H ( . ( . j ( in the Htudio of . M . Do ' hiuu , bin <<> untiyinan , a painter and ficulptor . It is a full '""tfth ; the Hungarian lender is clothed in his uhiuiI < re . su— one which put « Our wretched cotituino to Hnanui ; and ho appears to be delivering a speech . ' « f : ( . mpatriots vouch for tho likeness ; and tbeeountfnnrieo quite comes up to tho description of KosMith , > lendirig with rnnnlifrefls ft certain Feminine gentleness , which haa been noticed also in Mazzlhi .
' Pnhlk Marts.
' pnhlk Marts .
Untitled Article
ENGLAND IN EUROPE . Nobleness of purpose is the one safe principle for national , even more than for personal conduct . Principles are in themselves enduring 1 , but the understanding of them depends upon the cultivation of a people ; still more the application of them . And if we admit that peoples are not wise at once , if we admit that their knowledge , like that of individuals , grows with experience and investigation , we admit that institutions ought not to be immortal . But through all the fluctuations of ignorance , and of knowledge , which is the cor
relative and complement of ignorance , the one thing which will give the fullest development to the faculties of a people , to its sound interest , to its greatness , to its safety among the nations , is nobleness of purpose . With it a small nation may earn safety ; without it a great nation can never be secure . The want of it has brought down great states in the midst of their magnificence and power . Now , nobleness of purpose is one thing wanting to England in the council of nations , and we declare that , for want of it , her position is not safe . We do not mean to deny that there are sections and cliques in the country , each with its " mission ' or " movement j" but we affirm that England at
present , as a nation , has no purpose ; or , if it has one , latent and half-unconscious , it is not upheld effectively . Even the negative intention that might most probably be ascribed to the nation , to keep aloof from active aid of Absolutism , is systematically violated by the chosen Minister of England . We do not believe that the English nation has the slightest intention or desire to subserve the projects of Absolutism on the Continent ; and yet England , in her indifferency , in her lack of positive purpose , not only choses a Minister whose successes through a long career have been conducive to the power and progress of Absolutism , obstructive to the cause of freedom , but now suffers him to continue in that career without
molestation or hindrance . Or , if occasionally a doubt is expressed through a popular Member of Parliament , Lord Palmerston is quit for a few words of explanation which tell nothing , or a few sentences of those stereotyped professions which are so surprising for their uniform antagonism to the practical results of his own activity and skill , and lor commanding the ready belief of the English public . He does not respect that public enough to disguise his cajolery ; and yet the public goes on believing ! It not only trusts him , hut trusts him to work in the dark .
What is the position of England in any nation of the Continent , whero . popular principles are in active contest ? Not an Englishman can say . We can only guess . in ( Germany all is mystification . Except a few unmeaning words , it does not appear that " England" did the slightest thing in favour of the people struggling to emulate her pant efforts for popular freedom ; there is nothing to prove that the Minister whom England suffers to represent her , did not keep upt he heart of Despotism by a covert understanding , which secured to it the passive alliance of England , and contributed to bring about the restoration of Absolutism . On the
contrary , the signs of that covert , understanding are almost too strong for doubt ; . A great step has been made in expunging the nationality of the totally distinct nations comprised within the Austrian empire ; the noble people of Hesse-Cassel has been crushed and punished by the great tyrants who mustered to support the common cause of tyranny in the person of the inferable , Elector ; the Prussians have heen befooled , and the constitutional Frederick William has given himself » q > . heart , and soul , to the Ausl , ro-Riissian conspiracy Hungary , who has had a history like that ol England , has political and commercial sympathies with England , and would have maintained , on the opposite side of Europe , a great outnofit of
constitutional freedom—that Hungary has been given over by the crowned conspiracy to Austria , as England might have been to Hanover . Such are the results of the diplomatic movements in which Lord Palmersfeon played his covert part ; and we now find him " thick" with the Nesselrode and Brunnow , the Schwarzenberg and Buol * Schauenstein ; giving them conferences in London , receiving their policemen , rendering himself a party to their matchmaking . What is the Foreign Secretary now doing with the influence of England in Germany , Austria , and Hungary ?
We will not here complicate the question with secondary states—with Schleswig-Holstein , handed over to alien Denmark , with Greece , kept down in submission to an imbecile cadet of the Bavarian family , and deprived of the Ionian Islands ; with Turkey , just now a natural ally of anti-despotism in Europe . We ask not what the Foreign Secretary is doing in Spain , upon which he seems completely to have turned his back . " The back , " as Alexandre Dumas says , " has , with some people , the privilege of being the most advantageous part of their individuality ;" and it is to be hoped that Lord Palmerston will not turn upon Spain the light of his countenancethat political Will-o ' -the-wisp which , dancing before the nations , lures them to their doom .
But we ask , not what the Foreign Secretary has done , but what he is doing in Italy?—where he encouraged the revolutionists , and then , just at the nick of time , left them in the lurch , to be overrun by the Absolutist armies ; where Austria , the Pope , and the Bourbon , have been reestablished with bis privity and help . Mr . Gladstone has told us how it fares with the Neapolitans , and we know what Gladstone has told , though we could not have told it with his peculiar authority amidst Englishmen . La Presse and the Times confirm us in the
knowledge of the like enormities at Rome ; Radetzky proclaims what is going on in the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom : all the three Governments of Rome , Naples , and Austria , proclaim that , without desperate and cruel measures they cannot make head against the indigenous influence which is growing up against them—the Invisible Government ; which must , therefore , be a powerful , widespread , well-established Italian power : and what is our Minister doing between those contending sides of Alien Absolutism and National Freedom ? what to retrieve the disastrous consequences of his cajolery ? what to vindicate the good faith of England , her generosity , and the principles essential to her greatness ?
Among the contending factions of France , what distinct , frank , high position has " England " taken ? We know , indeed , that the worst faction which France contains has come over to London , as if to sit under the auspices of our Foreign-office , as the veiled , semi-official , irresponsible councils of he agents of Legitimacy ; that faction is called Thiers . But what position does the Minister of England maintain ? Not a soul of us knows .
Now , we repeat , this supine ignorance on the part of the English nation is not safe—not safe , even on the low ground taken up by the " practical " politicians of the day . We cannot command the moving world to 'bate all its action down to trading standards , as we are doing ; larger interests and passions will go on . The great conflict between Absolutism and Freedom , between Family-Royalism and Nationality , ( lid not end in 1 H 4 B ; neither of those great powers has defined its limits ; and it is probable that in 1852 , with its impending struggle ,
one or other influence will make a large extension of its boundaries . In the result England has great interests at stake . She would not like to see Absolutism extend its boundaries to the British Channel . Even our supine mere-traders , who are proud to be the Jackass in the fable , indifferent to the contests of arms , would turn pale at ; that approach . Yet ; things more unforeseen and improbable have happened . Many a nation would be glad to act as our outpost , in the war ; only , with such a Minister as we have , wo , the English people , an ; debarred from all understanding with thone
. "Tranquil" as England maybe for the moment , the empire is not in that perfectly settled state which should make us over secure . Tho Cape of Good Hope is not the only colony on tho verge of rebellion ; and , philosophically as the Manchester School men may talk about the j > io'itlesNnens of colonies , a run of declarations of independence would be a very awkward tfling foany Government , for the time being . Even if the Cuba news should prove to be apocryphal , Mexico and Brazil , with tho
Untitled Article
Avo . , 1851 . ] « ft * n , ea * ev . 773
Jb % U Fp& Ir Ft £ Y ¦^Va-Kl Cs ^
JB % fp& ir ft £ y ¦^ Va-KL Cs
Untitled Article
There is nothing so revolutionary , because there nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep thing 3 fixed when all the world is by the very law of it 3 creation in eternal progress . —Db . Arnold .
Untitled Article
SATURDAY , AUGUST 16 , 1851 .
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 16, 1851, page 773, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1896/page/9/
-