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which we try the liberalism of the Minister be illegitimate , it is at least the test of plain dealing" , of single mindedness , of honesty ; the test of professions and results :
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THE DUTY OF THE CHURCH . Brave George Anthony Denison has spoken the word , and it is for the Church to make that word the motto of its future work . " A Churchman ' s success is to do his duty . " Yes ; set her free , and let her try to do her duty , that duty which for many hundred years she has failed to do . Let the young , and eloquent , and daring , who are content to take duty for success , let these have their way , and make of that Church which they idolize , what they can .
But did it ever occur to Mr . Denison , that the Church has other duties than those which consist in adhering to formal religion , and settling the controversy about prevenient grace ? Has he pondered on that startling announcement made by the Bishop of Llandaflf , to which last week we made brief reference , that the Church of England is not the Church of the People ? and has he asked himself why ? Because , we expect , that in the answer to that question he would find some of his duties .
The Church has temporal and political duties . When the fetters were to be knocked off from the soul of a nation and thought set free , did the Church assist ? When the bread of the people was to be taxed and the toiler starved , did she step in , and , raising her solemn voice , forbid the enormity ? No . And when the burden was to be lifted off from the shoulders of the poor , did she help ? No . When good men ( some of them of this Church of England ) cried unto the wealthy and the speculators—You are racking out the
lives of the serfs of the plough and the slaves of the loom upon starvation wages , —what said the Church ?— " There shall always be poor in the land . " When the Game Laws are to be enforced , who most rigidly carry out the law ?—Ministers of the Church . Charitable ? Yes ; members of the Church have been charitable ; but justice , not charity , is what a noble people demand . Alms are an evasion of justice ; and this , too , is why the Church of England is not the Church of the People .
We have no enmity to the Church of England . It is the hope of thousands . It has a mission of holiness ; hut it has no faith in that mission . A Church which has ceased to see that Divine laws are obeyed , has ceased to be a Church , has abdicated its highest function , and ought to vanish in very shame . We ask Mr . Denison whether tint is not the condition of the Church of England ?
We demand for the Church of England what that Church would not demand for us—justice . We demand that it may be set free . It is full time . When fiom his high state , deliberately , a Bishop confesses that his Church is not the Church of the People ; when he bewails the existence of wide-spread dissent , and what he calls infidelity ; when he laments the density of ignorance and the decay of morality , and this
after his Church has been professedly working for three hundred years to remove those evils ; then , indeed , it is time to rise from the luxurious bed of parliamentary patronage , to tear off the purple robe , to put away the stately demeanour , and , unfettered , do what it can to save , not tithes , and dear bread , and lofty state , but the houIs of men . When that is done , perhaps , the Church of England may become the Church of the People .
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THE JSHYrTIAN UAH / WAY AND THE POKTK We are all agreed about the essential importance of a free and secure communication with India by way of the Isthmus of Suez . Nobody disputes the advantages , social , political , and commercial , which any scheme for shortening the present tediouti and expensive journey , and obviating the necessity of uu cikUchs transfer from canal to river and from river to dehcrt-oinnibuN , would confer on Oriental travellers . Speed , safety , and economy would hi ; alike secured by the substitution of a railway for the old mode of conveying by < " Rinds the Mails and Treasure which jkish fortnightly between India ami England .
The attention of the Jato sagacious Mehemet Ali was turned to this subject some years ago . Preparations wore made lor the formation of a Railway , and the mils and some portion of the plant
were ordered in this country , and actually arrived in Egypt . The execution of this project was , however , delayed through the influence of the French officials by whom the Pacha was served , acting of course under orders from home ; France having certain claims on the adhesion of the Pacha , from the amount of support afforded to him against Turkey and Lord Palmerston in 1841 . This opposition , arising from jealousy of England , and the
consequent desire to hinder her more rapid communication with her Eastern possessions , was not directed , in appearance at least , against all improvement of the means of transit . That would have been too transparent a manoeuvre ; and a ship-canal was recommended , the advantages of which were continually dwelt upon , as if its advocates were really anxious for its construction ; and though engineering difficulties , and the nature of the coasts both of the Red Sea and the
Mediterranean rendered the execution of the project impossible , still it served its purpose , that of unsettling the decision of the Pacha ; and , during his lifetime , it prevented the construction of the Railway . Since the accession of the present Ruler of Egypt , Abbas Pacha , French influence has declined in that country . The councils of England have prevailed , s her interest in the tranquillity and prosperity of
the territory through which runs the highway to the East is naturally greater than that of any other nation . Continual improvements , at the instance of the Peninsular and Oriental Company , have been made in the transit arrangements ; the Pacha has at last found himself in a position to commence the undertaking projected by his predecessor ; and a contract for the execution of the Railway has been entered into with an eminent English engineer .
To this enterprise a fresh obstacle has been raised by French intrigues . The scene of opposition has , however , been transferred from Cairo to Constantinople ; and the Sultan ' s jealousy of his principal vassal has been excited to bring some powers , claimed through the treaty of 1841 , to hear against the execution of this plan . Austrian influence has also been enlisted on the side of France ; the old project of the ship-canal has been revived , and the Masters of Venice and Trieste have been led to look , through its formation , for a revival of those palmy days of commercial prosperity which preceded the discovery of the Cape route by Vasco di Gama .
Kossuth ' s release , and the ill-will consequent thereupon , are too recent to permit much apprehension to ejeist of effectual results arising from Austi ian negotiations with Turkey ; but while the Government of France is in the hands of the present dominant faction , French diplomacy will do all it can to embroil Egypt and Turkey , by mystifying the latter and egging on the former . Advantageous , in fact , as is the construction of a railway in Egypt for us , it behoves England to act with extreme caution , and English merchants to beware how , in helping the astute politicians of the
North to humble Turkey , they do not lose their railway altogether . The avowed object of France is to make Egypt " independent , " and after that to convert Egypt into " a province of France . " There is not much fear of this . it is true ; but it is not exactly a project to be furthered . The avowed ambition of Russia is to break up the Ottoman Empire , and plant the standard of the dynasty of Peter the Great , spread to " Pansclavonian " extent , upon the shores of the Hellespont . It is our interest , and the interest of civilization , to arrest the advance of Russia in the East , and secure the highways of commerce for the world . But , why have all these intrigues of Austrian and French diplomacy so strong an influence with the Porte ? What necessity in there for all this talk about coercing the Sultan and supporting this potentate against that ? It is dust in the eyes . Not a whit nearer to the completion of the railway are we by so much pother about this " influence or the other . The plain fact is , that we want direct , open , straightforward negotiation . Lei a man be sent to Constantinople and represent frankly the
state of things to the I ' orte , and the object would be achieved . It is absurd to suppose that Knglisli influence is really small at Constantinople . All that is required is frankness . In our Ambassador at the Porte really in earnest ? Rather , is there not good reason to suppose that bin exertions ar « doubtful , duplex—in one word diplomatic , having a purpose beyond the reach of the gaze even of the intelligent and unsuspecting gentlemen who met at the London Tavern on Tuesday ? Conuul
General Murray is not a diplomatist , but a frank English gentleman ; and if we had his double at Constantinople little difficulty would remain . We are confident that plain speech and sincere " intentions at the Court of the Sultan on our part , would be by far the most effectual , in fact the onl ycertain . way of getting permission to make the projected railway through the territories . Can any one answer these two questions for us By whom was the City meeting primaril y set oii foot ? Had the gentleman or gentlemen any direct or indirect communication with the Foreign-office ?
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KOSSUTH AND THE HIRELINGS OP AUSTRIA . In the outrageous attack on the personal and public character of Kossuth , which found its way from the gutters of Austrian chanceries into the ready columns of our leading journal , there is not in the midst of a heap of insult and malevolence a single specific assertion which is not literall y and strictly a deliberate falsehood . The English journal must have been deceived : the intelligence is not only untrue ; it is not even " exclusive . "
The veracity of the Jesuit organ of the King of Naples , L'Univers , is well known . The Times and ISUnivers , and the Government journals at Vienna , publish almost word for word the same calumnies against the Hungarian patriot for whom the English people are preparing a more than Royal welcome . Foul streams spring from one foul source . What a new honour to our leading journal to be found in company with the defender of Bomba , insulting misfortune , trampling on the vanquished , hunting down the exile !
We shall not descend to qualify the delicacy and generosity of the allusion to " his Turkish prison , " where he was in continual peril of his life from the dagger and the poison of Austrian emissaries ; nor the exquisite taste and refined feeling of the pretence that he had been " consigned to Barnum ; " nor the fine sense of generosity in calling an appeal to English sympathy a gross delusion . Why should we take exception to this genuine Austrian manufacture , except it be to regret that the chief of the
English press should be prostituted to such a service ? But we notice how artfully constructed is the fabric of / calumny . Just as in the old tirades against Mazzini , his name was always dragged into proximity with that of Rossi ; so here we find the pure and bloodless name of Kossuth associated in a long sentence with the murders of Lamberg and Latour . Is not the odious insinuation of complicity with deeds of violence done miles and months apart , evident enough ?
But we . hasten to notice three passages in this article containing distinct falsehoods , a thousand times repeated it is true , and a thousand times refuted ; but as calumny is ever hydraheaded , we will once more set the truth , the exact truth of these transactions before our readers ; and we defy all the instruments of Austrian vengeance to gainsay or refute our statements : — " The revolutionary character of his opinions , the sell-seeking and arbitrary spirit of his administration , the enormity of many of his actions , and the
extraordinary impostures he practised with success on a credulous and enthusiastic people , were the principal causes , not only of the frightful contest which desolated Hungary , but of the intervention of foreign armies in the war , and of the ultimate subversion of the ancient Constitution of the land . That constitu tion was , in fact , annihilated from the time when Kossuth took apromincnt partin thcGovernment ; and the Assembly of hLs creatures which Hate at Debrcczin . no more resembled the Diet of Hungary than the IJarehoneB Parliament resembled the Legislature of the British Constitution . "
It is notorious to all who have observed history elsewhere than in the foreign articles of the Times , that Hungary has been compelled to sustain an incessant struggle for her constitutional liberties for the last three centuries , ever since the accession of the House of Hapsburg . The chartered and constitutional liberties of Hungary have been incessantly threatened by the bloodthirsty treachery of this royal House , of Ilapsburg ; «<> that , from time to time , no other expedient has
remained to Hungarian patriots , but to rise up to defend their civil and religious liberties by force of arms . Six patriotic names concentrate in themkcIvch the history of Hungary since the beginning of the sixteenth century . Zapolya , Boizk » y , Hethlen , ttokoly , Rakoczy , and Kossuth . Konsuth was not , as the Times and I / Univcrs aflinn , the cause of the ( subversion of the ancient constitution of the land . This constitution had been sworn to by fourteen Austriun emperora at 1 ' ienburgj it had
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992 1 Kt ) e lit abet * [ Saturday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 18, 1851, page 992, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1905/page/12/
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