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HB^c ry s 'er ¦ ¦ x &o II — ^^^fa ' "^ —
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Saturday, October 25.
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public Mates.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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October 21 , 1851 . My Deak Hooper , —We have seen Kossuth . We found him this morning , at Southampton , in the house of the hospitable and patriotic Andrews ; who seems to me , verily , to have been the first man to break out in this new and most welcome burst of national feeling—after the good old English stylethat Kossuth ' s arrival has awakened .
Kossuth was surrounded by eager mends—Hungarians , Londoners , men from distant towns , who seemed ready to tear him in pieces , in their d « aire to have him amongst them ; and so to convert him , by a summary process of enthusiastic worship , at once into relics . Nevertheless , he received the deputation from the central committee with the most courteous and kind attention . His portraits are sufficiently like for one to recognise him without the slightest hesitation ; but not one of them , does him justice . He has none of their theatrical aspect ; they have none of that earnest animation , of that
refinement , that almost womanly gentleness which mingles so remarkably with manly fire and prompt decisive action , indicated both by his speech and gesture . While he is in manners the most winning of all the men that I have seen —and you are first struck with a faecinating affectionutenesa in his address—the second thing that strikes you is Ihc perfect self-possession of the man . He does what he means , all that he means , and nothing else . He speaks—to us in English . At first the
alien words came slowly to his tongue ; but he chooses them with singular h ' tneas ; as he proceeds you aTe struck with , the clear , lucid , unbroken march of the thoughts ; for he thinks as closely as he speaks . He enters upon each section of his subject with marked deliberation ; but proceeds without hesitation , and lends himself to his subject with a dashing rigour , and a pace that increases as lie proceeds . He is not carried away by his subject , but gives it rein , like a bold and confident horseman that knows how to trust both himself and his steed . I
was introduced by un Hungarian friend , and when I introduced Nicholl * and Delaforce he shook hands with them most courteously and cordially . He makes every man feel that his individuality is recognised . I am sure my colleagues shared the feelings that took possession of me—of profound respect for that unconquered leuder of his country , of personal affection for one who seemed to borrow from influence only so much the greater power to express his sympath y with his fellow-man . No one who has epoken with him can wonder at the power which he exercises over his countrymen . In his reply to the deputation I wan struck with the true ntatenmanli ke purpose : that dictated every word , lit ) ke
¦ po , with frankucHH and fort-c , of bin strong sympathy with tho people ; himself sprung from them , his political career devoted to elevating their condition . i » ut receive d so hospitably by the English nation Without distinction of party or clans , it would not bo becoming in him , he said , to inuke distinctions in party or clasa . His mission , too , must be , to keep foromopt in view the rescue of that country to which his life was devoted . He desired a metropolitan opportunity—during this , his first »> rief visit to England — 1 stating his view ; which is , to procure the establishment of a great Association to support tho cause of llungar y . Ho desires this country to enforce tho octruiQ of non-intervention , fully and
honestly-r-not only to abstain from interfering , but to insist that other states abstain from meddling in the internal affaire of any country . That , without a drop of English blood or a shilling of English treasure would suffice to set the nations free . He accepted our attentions with thanks ; but he put it to me to say whether the banquet , proposed by the central committee , would furnish the opportunity that he had forecast to himself ? I could not vouch for it—I could not promise that a banquet
originating with the Working People wortld be joined by the leading men of other classes ; I felt shame and sorrow at the divisions of my country , incapable of national action . I told him of these divisions ; told him that , to speak to all , he must address himself to the divided halves ; and expressed my belief that it might be his glorious mission , by thus doing , to reunite us—that , by his glorious and undeniable appeal to nationality , he mie-ht restore our sense of nationality ; and , declining
to advise him , submitting to him what information I could , I begged of him to consult his friends—advisers who knew both him and us . He promised to send hU answer . Whatever it be , I came away impressed with , the conviction that his coming would be a blessing to us —that it would restore , as it has done in Southampton , that feeling of nationality which will unite our divided parties and classes , and enable us Englishmen , in standing by Hungary , to learn once more the habit of standing by each pther . —Ever , my dear brother-workman , your affectionate Thobntok Hunt .
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The morning papers , speaking generally of that wide field of print , present a curious contrasted union of great facts and great figments ; the journals are engaged in a combined attack upon Kossuth and his career ; in the same pages they are reporting the spontaneous expression of welcome and encouragement which is bursting forth from every part of the country—from every class — from trades' associations and political bodies — from the municipalities—in short , from the Nation . There has not been since the Reform Bill—we do not except even the anti-corn-law move—anything like so combined , so spontaneous , so decisive , and so fervid an expression of feeling on the part of the nation . The idea of an association , thrown out by K . o 6 suth ,
is exactly of the practical and definite kind suited to English understanding and habits . The demand that he makes upon this country—complete non-interventionexactly meets the conviction and feeling of the immense majority . We say that complete non intervention does so ; but to this subject we shall return next week . The English people , especially the labouring classes , cordially welcome the idea to which Kossuth has given his adhesion—the alliance of the Peoples . They already desired it . The arrival of the Hungarian recalls to their minds a leader who has won their respect , and who has long been endeared to their regard . As he becomes more acquainted with the people ,
Kossuth will find , as we can vouch from personal knowledge , that there is at present no name so thoroughly respected , so trusted , so welcomed with a feeling of long affection , as that of Joseph Mazzini . To show that Mazzini vouches for a thing , is to satisfy the people of this country . As to what journals have said on that point—Kossuth can judge of our journals . We apeak from personal knowledge of the people face to face . They welcome Kossuth as the Hungarian Mazzini . Koseuth proceeded yesterday to the house of the Mayor of Southampton , near Winchester . Great were the rejoicings at all the villages , and an ovation at Winchester .
There was some speaking at the house of the spirited Mayor of Southampton . We register the last words of the speech of Mr . Andrews . They contain the very pith of English heartiness and English sympathy . He , the Mayor , had received threatening letters for his reception of Kossuth , but he disregarded them , and declared that to long as he had a home Kosauth should have shelter , and as long as he had a sixpence Kossuth should share it . ( Loud cheers . ) Honour to right hearty English Richard Andrews !
The Leeds Town Council , at a special meeting held on Thursday , agreed to un uddress to the illustrious Hungarian patriot , Kossuth , on his arrival in this country . The address iWus carried unanimously . Also Coventry met on Wednesday , in St . Mary's-hall , and agreed that an address should be prevented to Kossuth .
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The following note from Louis Kossuth to Mr . Toulmin Smith is conclusive ao to one fact : — " Sotttiininpton , October 21 , 1851 . " Dbaii Silt , —In r « 'ply to your note , 1 beg leave to assure you that the name of the Jiaroness von Jicck is utterly unknown to me . There was a person named Hacidula employed by my Government » h a npy , whom I saw twice in my life , and gave special inntructioiiH to as a spy . That is all 1 know about her . — 1 am , Sir , with the highest regard , your obedient servant , " J * . KOHHIJTII . " The treaty of the Submarine Telegraph Company has been signed by the Minister of the Interior .
On Monday night , tho lUth instant , about thirty tinned ponchcrH were pursuing tlnir nightly occupation on land at Kulfurd , bclongiuu ; to the Karl of Bearborough , when they were encountered by the keepers and watchers , tight in number , who , anticipating the encounter , were ail armed with Hails made puiposely for their u « e . The result of the fray was that one of the k ««» ers was killed and several wounded .
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HB ^ c ry 'er ¦ ¦ x &o II II — ^^^ fa ' " ^ —
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AGITATION AT ITS EBB . If England could be more humiliated than she has been by her hundred resultless agitations—including that one which Lord John began with his Durham letter , and ended with his Ecclesiastical Titles Bill—it would be by the earnestness with which her tf earnest" men are fighting about words and fractional distinctions , or by the gaping expectancy with which her " moderates" are looking for what Lord John ' s new Reform Bill is to give them . The delusion is as old as the hills : men of Progress and jnen of Retrogress make the same mistake—both
fight for statutes or institutions ; only the one set fight for the institutions that we have outgrown , the others for those to which we have not yet grown up . If " thatailor makes the man , " the institution may be said to make the nation ; but we all know that the tailor does not make the man , except in the eye of superficial fools . It could only be a cripple among nations that could be made by its institutions , as a bow ] egged boy may be made to stand by the help of irons . Real vitality abhors both confinement and dependency , and will break up any building or inorganic structure that attempts to controul growth and action . The institutions of a strong nation are supported , not by their own inherent force , but by the ever recurrent will of the nation . Rotten
Parliaments lasted just so long as the vigorous portion of the English race chose to suffer them ; and when that choice altered , Rotten Parliaments fell to the ground . We did not attain our improved estate by Reform , but by the will of the nation ; Reform being merely the formal method by which England exercised its will ; the name for the new action of the body politic . It is not in any particular statute that the nation is to find strength and safety , but in the power to attain the statute . For example , it is not in the Charter that the People is to find strength and liberty , but in the power to carry the Charter . If they have not already got it , the fault lies in themselves—they are incapable of it .
This is not a literary notion ; it is a solid fundamental fact in practical politics , the oblivion of which weakens the People . Not that we undervalue institutions ; we only rate them at their true value . Institutions are the arrangements , for the time being , by which recognized powers are suffered to carry on their action without further obstruction . The true strength lies in the will , the vigour , and the spirit of the nation . The institutions of a country never will long remain far behind the power and resolve of its people . Give us the same determination that backed Llampden in his resistance to Crown taxation , Cromwell in his resistance
to Crown Popery , Washington m his resistance to unrepresented taxation , and we ( should soon have the Charter . I jet the People know their own minds and resolve to have their will at any sacrifice to themselves , and they would not have to await statute permission for the exercise of the franchise . They would by their very will and utrength possess the franchise . Tho thing which hinders is , not the refusal of the Faithful Commons , but the fear which haunts this working-man or that , that he " may lose Iuk place " if he takes a decided part in politics ; the hIowiichs of a third to aacriiice sixpence unless he can he secure of . some immediate and
tangible return for his money . Ho will tfive sixpence for a gliisH of brandy niul water , but not for so much advancement of " the People ' s cause . " There may be excuses for that slowness ; but such was not tho spirit that pulled down the Hastille . Our friend Julian Ilarnuy asks un if the Parliamentary Keiormeis have thrown over their ratcpayiiitf qualification ; points to many shortcomings m tho scheme of the Association ; and discusHca the bold tone that characterizes the language of Home ainonif them as " chaff " which will not catch
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OUR CIRCULATION . Wb have been requested , by several disinterested friends Of the Leader , to print the Stamp Returns of the London press , in the report of the Newspaper Stamp Committee . We know that we stand well , in comparison with the most respectable portion of the weekly journals ; although the return only includes the first nine months of our existence , in 1850 , and we hare been increasing tret since . But we object to instituting invidiouB comparisons between our young success and the fortunes of respected veterans among our contemporaries . In some respects the comparison would be fallacious ; the value of some journals not being measured solely by their numerical extension . Those of our friends who are interested in knowing the comparative amount of our circulation last year , can see it for themselves , by getting the Keport of the Newspaper Stamp Committee . This statement appeared in our last number but onein a part , of our paper , however , where it escaped notice ; and we have had tangible proof that others of our friends ¦ till need the explanation . We are therefore obliged to repeat the answer , and to thank those friends , many of them wholly unconnected with us , who have expressed so lively an interest and satisfaction in our advancement .
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TO BEADEBS AND CORRESPONDENTS . Jo reply to Inquiries we may state that the Office of the Friends of Italy is No . 10 , Southampton-street , Strand . All letters for the Editor should be addressed to 10 , Wellingtonstreet . Strand , London .
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Oct . 25 , 1651 . ] «»* *' # «*« . 1013
Saturday, October 25.
Saturday , October 25 .
Public Mates.
public Mates .
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when , all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .
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w SATURDAY , OCTOBER 25 , 1851 .
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 25, 1851, page 1013, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1906/page/9/
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