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DOWNING-STREET AND ENGLAND . The debate of Tuesday evening in both Houses of Parliament did more to define the actual position of the official and ex-official caste towards the nation than anything which has occurred for a quarter of a century at least ; and we have to thank both Ministers and ex-Ministers , Ministers effete , and Ministers in embryo , for helping to corroborate an assertion which we have made more than once , and which is most important to be understood by the people of this country and our friends abroad . The first striking fact is the diatribe of Lord Derby
against the newspaper press for its almost unanimous expression of opinion on Louis Napoleon's coup d ' etat . The Premier elect declared his satisfaction that the expressions of opinion in . both Houses might remove the unfavourable impression created " on the public mind of France" bv " the unjustifiable censures of the public press" in this country . A peculiar use of the word ' * ' statesman ' * showed that he spoke especially at the Times . Earl Grey declared that " the same sentiment was echoed by every one of their lordships , " and had the full concurrence of his colleagues in that repudiation "; and he " trusted that that assurance would neutralize the incalculable evil that might have
resulted from the language held by a great part of the newspaper press of this country . " Lord Grey , indeed , went so far as to assert that , " however those newspapers might express the opinions and feelings of those who write in them , they-did not express the opinions or feelings of any great or powerful party in this country , or in the Houses of Parliament . " Lord John Russell , in that ingenuous vein which is peculiar to him , with a mental reservation at the back of it , was " bound to say that the President of France , having all the means of information he has had , no doubt has taken that course from a consideration of the state of France , and that the course he has taken is best fitted to
insure the welfare of the country over which he rules . " Being laughed at , Lord John asked leave " to say that over again "; his syntax rising with the occasion . " While I do not concur in the approbation of my noble friend , I have no reason to doubt , and everything 1 have heard confirms that opinion , that in the opinion of the President the putting an end to the constitution , the anticipating the election of 1852 , and the abolition of the parliamentary constitution , were all tending to the happiness and essential to the welfare of France . But I have certainly to Btate further , because I confess I have seen , with very great regret , the language which has been used by a portion of the press of this country with , respect to the President of France . "
So here are Lord Derby , Lord Grey , and Lord John Russell—the two chiefs of the party "in power , " and the chief of the party that expect to be in power—disavowing the censure of the press , and declaring that the opinion of England is the opposite of that expressed by the Times and the other journals ! The assertion not only convinces us how wide is the difference between the national England and the official "England" wl' ^ h resides in Downing-street , but also shows how totally ignorant that official world is of the world which it is set to govern . The acting Premier afterwards went on to say ;—
•• TJio First Consul , great ns wcro his abilities , was totally ignorant of the manners and constitution of this country . The present President of , Franco hps this advantage over his uncle , that ho ia perfectly aware how much liberty wo oiijoy , how much license of discussion prevails , und that the most unmeasured invective of the press does not imply nay feeling of hostility either on the part of the Government or on the part of the nation . Did Louis Napoleon then realty learn "manners " here ? Did he learn the " constitution" in the school of Russell , who gives a certificate of good
conduct to the pupil ? Liberties he may have taken , licence he may have learned—but where ? Does Lord John know the schools in which such accomplishments are learned ? The careful repudiation of the popular feeling from the denizens of Downing-street is accompanied by , an argument to induce us to hush , up the question here : t— .:. '• " It is more than imprudent , " says Lord Derby , " it is more than injudicious , it is more than folly—it is perfect madness—at one and the same time to profess a belief in the hostile intentions of a foreign country ,
and to parade before them the supposed inability of this country to defend itself ; to magnify the resources of your supposed assailant , and to point out ho W easy would be the invasion , if not the subjugation of this country ( though , thank God , the most violent have not yet spoken of subjugation ) ; but to speak of that invasion , accompanying it with details of the fearful amount of horror and bloodshed which , under any circumstances , must attend it , and then , in the same breath , to assail with every term of obloquy , of vituperation , and abuse , the public and private character of the man who wields that force which you say is
irresistible . ' Grey , Russell , their colleagues and coadjutors , concur : " Do not say we are defenceless , " they cry ; " we may be attacked ; do not speak so loud , or you may make the French angry ; above all do not attack Louis Napoleon , or he will come " -Hsuch is the official rebuke to the people of England . How far does that craven exhortation fit the humour of the English ? Judge by the public facta--everywhere a cheerful , a hearty resort , to preparations for the national * defence ; hut no 'bated breath , no hushing up , no mincing language about the spurious usurper . Downing-street may stand in awe of
Louis Napoleon ; but Downing-street , we say , does not in any respect represent the feelings of the English people—Downing-street is the very opposite of the English people . In a word , Downing-street sympathizes with the clique that swarms in the chambers of theElyseeand buzzes round the Prince President in the Palace of the Tuileries ; and so sympathizing , it is impossible that the officials can share the feelings of the English people or understand them . England , we have declared , is not Downing-street ; Downing-street , proclaim the official and ex-official gentlemen , is not Englandit is quite alien from England—it does not know anything about the sentiments of England .
But there is more . Lord Palmerston ' s dismissal followed a direct requirement from the Crown , putting him as a Minister under greater restraint than he had before undergone ; and Lord John undertook to be the instrument of his dismissal . The same Lord John , deprecating the attacks on the Prince President , favourably contrasts the " advantages" which Louis Napoleon possesses with his uncle ' s position , and all but vouches for the " nephew ' s" pacific intentions towards this country . The principal " advantages " which Louis Napoleon possesses , are alliances by blood or marriage with the royal houses of Bavaria , Austria , Russia , and others of less note ; he is now a connection of the " royal" classes , and much more entitled to consideration than a mere lieutenant of
artillery , or even a revolutionary general . He can even trace a connection with the royal family of England . It is evident that Lord John Russell , who deprecates attacks on this midnight imperial burglar , is acting with high sanction . There is indeed one reason which the official class might allege for its delusion as to the state of feeling in this country—that it has at least the
passive sufferance of the English people . Yes , the English people cannot deny that it does permit aliens like those of Downing-street to govern it , to legislate for it , to represent it before the nations . But we do not believe that any amount of apathy can induce the people to protract that sufferance after such exhibitions as those of Tuesday night . We have therefore made a step—the official class has declared itself—it is divorced from England—it is not English . ¦
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"WE , JOHN BIRD , ARCHBISHOP , " &cv Defeat is not always failure , neither is victory always . success . An enemy constantly advancing , constantly repulsed , and as constantly entrenching himself on the , small upace of ground ho has acquired , will one day be able to overcome any antagonist who only acts on the defensive and dares not pursue his aggressive foe . Such is the position of that faithful party in the Church of England who have inscribed on their banner aynodical action , freedom for development , and lionesty above all things .
It is now more than one hundredvmd thirt years since Convocation was suppresse / by a " cot / d ' etat" in the reign of George I . | 4 nd since that time , chained to the chariot of tb £ State , gagg and manacled , the Church has * ad no ofiiciaTcol lective voice in the managemejf » v of its oiwh affair& This is the sharp censure , whipft history inflicts unOh the . ' Churchmen of the past / thai ; they had hot the courage or the Honesty * 6 struggle for their own emancipation with zea ' U'UB activity , neither giving . nor receiving quarter , They did not do this thev siumoerein cneir uiiuiaim ok
a »« , co with eaffe ' hands the good tfings their temporal master pro vided for them . They so loved the world that thev sold their birthright for a mess of pottage . y From this disgraceful state of acquiescence in their own spiritual degradation a band of Churchmen hare at length awakened , and are steadily making inroads upon the usurpation of the tern . poral power . With quiet daring and unflinching purpose they are working night and day ; and year by year , month by month , in these latter days , the contest has been , and is , narrowing to a decisive
issue , when either the State must restore to the Church her rights suppressed in 1717 , or the Church must secede from the State and conquer her independence for herself , Tbis ^ issue is inevitable . The tragic farce enacted in the Jerusalem Chamber on Wednesday cannot be repeated many times without fatal results . We say tragic ; it was tragic—for did not that assembly , under the presidence of John Bird , D . D ., Archbishop of Canterbury , solemnly invoke the presence and assistance of the " Holy Spirit" at their labours in behalf of the Church I And did not the same
' *' ¦ John Bird , by divine providence , Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of all England , and Metropolitan , " rise up only two hours later and prorogue the assembly which he had so solemnly opened ; and was not this turning a serious matter into a farce ? Farce ? It was jvorse , it was what the address of the Lower House styled it—mockery . "We , John Bird" prayed most seriously for the assistance of one of the sacred persons in that Trinity in which he believes , and then appealed to his colleagues to forbear pressing the demand for a free convocation on the Crown , as he thought no
good could accrue—from what ? " petitioning her Majesty ; as be felt quite certain that in the present state of the Church , and its multitudinous divisions , their prayer would never be granted " ! But something has been gained ; for the defeat was not failure . The , Lower House transacted business ; the Upper House transacted business , which "We , John Bird , " Queen ' s Ecclesiastical Subaltern , could not wholly prevent . Petitions were presented ; an address was agreed to ; there was all but unanimity in both Houses ; and in the Lower House a committee was appointed to report on the address at the meeting of Convocation in August . This is more like a victory than a defeat .
One fact strikes us with great force , and let the Church ponder on it : if " We , John Bird , " were a really earnest "Primate of all England , " and not mere Queen ' s Whig Mouthpiece , would it be so easy to prorogue Convocations , or refuse to concede synodical action P That is the moral of the meeting on Wednesday .
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INCREASE TO THE LAND FORCES . There is to be an increase to the land forces- - that is the official way of using the popular feeling on the subject of national defence . The people should be active and energetic in its remonstrance against that unwarrantable and slovenly pjoao oi meeting the exigency . The increase is announced in an ominous passage of the Queen ' s Speech . Here it is '• — " Where any increase haa been made in the ^ < 5 Bj > mnt » a nf th /> urncnnt nvay tha rtnat ' . VftftF . SUCH 6 XP kv ¦ m ¦ ¦ ¦ f f iUnf
- - * . »>• w ^ r . u v A wuvm V y * V w **•»••* m-r v * mw>— nations will be given as will , I trust , eatisfy P " " such increase is consistent with a steady ftdher " to a pacific policy , and with the diotatos oi ft w » economy . " It is only the allusion to a " pacific policy" wllic j } shows how the increase is to be af a military warliko kind ; by a parallel process , we may in ™ that the " oeconomy" is to be of the lavish Kin " in favour in Downing-street ; and by the ep"" " wisethat it will be at variancei w
" , " peculiarly w * nc , uiub ii will uo peuuiiuny » u Y " i i 1 ) 0 common sense . The increase will F ° . ffj / noo considerable ; a newspaper report makes f lv > d men im all , added to the infantry , eav ^ y , » artillery ; Sir Richard Bulkeley aays " a fcw tno eand , " which would indicate a few hun S ^ t \ lQ thousands of pounds . More money I W » y » officials have had fifteen millions a year
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SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 7 , 1852 . >
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there la nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law oi its creation in eternal progress . —De . Arnold .
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130 Mpt yLt& % tt * [ Sawrd ^
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 7, 1852, page 130, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1921/page/14/
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