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rpr which the eloquence of the hori . member for , ?* .. «« . was unable to effect , the near approach of a J £ ^ ad suddenly accomplished apud cries of S ^ Si -frttto the Opposition benches ) , and at the Mnrfon of the last session of Parliament the House 00 i « v was surprised to learn , not only that the noble ?* A tat that every member of his Cabinet , had suddenly v ^ rrie converted riponthe question . ( Hear , hear . ) He fS ^ Bamie ) could ' not give a better Uhistration of the rktion of long parliaments than by citing this example that the very bill which the House was now discussing iTiheen delayed by the Septennial Act for a period of ? , r v ^ ors ¦; and he believed the noble lord was much "Saken if he thought that any measure would give satis-Son which did not provide for the shortening of Par-Uents . ( Hear , hear ) " -. . *¦ , : ¦ .
Then why retain the small nomination boroughs ? exclaimed Mr . Baillie , maliciously citing Marlborough , and Sfaltoni and Richmond ; and Ripon , and Tavistock , and Galne > all of which are in the hands of Ministers . These and many others were a disgrace to our representative system . He believed that there was no mode of dealing fairly with the question but by extinguishing these boroughs altogether . But to whom should their privileges be transferred ? That was a questionof great interest to Scotland and Ireland , neither of which Sarts of the kingdom were fairly represented . As to
combining boroughs , that would lead only to still further proprietary domination . He asked the English members to consider the condition in-whjich they would be placed hereafter , if the Prime Minister were always to have a Reform Bill ready whenever it might suit the object ; of bis government tp have a little popular clamour , ( Loud cries of Hear , hear ;) " What would their position be if the question of a new Reform Bill was made dependent upon whether a minister was able to maintain a majority in this house ? He called npon them , therefore , to tike the noble lord at his word , arid have anew Reform Bill indeedr—not such a orrie , as
this , which would only Whet the appetite of the country for farther changes , and would only excite fresh agitation in the country—but a real and substantial measure , which would give a more equal and better distribution of political power to every , portion of the TtJnited Kingdom . ( Hear , hear . ) Depend upon it , to this point we must come at last ( cheers ); and , if this progressive system of reform was to be carried on , upon the heads of those . ^ O j ^ ad not hesitated to exercise their influence in order to promote and renew such constantly recurring agitation must rest the responsibility of the consequences which must ensue . ( Cheers . )"
Following up Mr . Baillie * s appeal for Scotland , " Mr . Roche put in a word for Ireland , as hot being ' sufficiently represented , and asking for the combination of Irish boroughs . Mr . Newdegate and Sir JqSHirA Walmsley condemned the Bill for very different reasons . Mr . Tbe : lawny and Mr . Anstey approved , with reservations ; and Lord Habby Vane approved efeSrely . Sir John Tybeia thought that the noble lord ' s statement was a " milk-and-water affair , " and that the projected measure ought to be called " a Bill for the continuance of her Majesty ' s present Ministers in office . ' '
Lord John Rtxsseix here stated in reply , first tp Mr . Nowdegate and afterwards to , Mr . Disraeli , that he would introduce the bill ooi Wednesdayor Thursday and take the second reading on Friday fortnight . This did not " appear to be quite satisfactory" to Mr . XH&r eaem , who appealed for longer time , and declared that it was most unusual for a minister to move for leave to bring in an important measure like this Reform Bill , not having the said bill ready to introduce . They ought to have a month to consider the measure . Referring to the bill he congratulated thq reformers on the " content" with which they had received it , but for his
own part he thought that the essential conditions of a Reform Bill had not been observed . Replying to Mr , Bright ho said that the towns had a preponderance in the representation , and that the difference in population and property between Thetford and Manchester did not prove that Manchester should have mpre members , but that Thetford should have none at all . As a set ° ff to the Thetford and Manchester argument , he inatanced the county of Chester , where Stockport and Macclesfleld , having * population of 82 , 000 , return four members , while the whole county , having a population ° f 134 , 000 ( exclusive of the population of the towns ) nl
° y returned two members . Ho should certainly oppose the bill if ho thought any attempt would bo > nado to give a preponderance to any party in the House ; but that was a point which could not be settled until the bill was l > efore them . , Aa to the measure "self , it seemed one of questionable propriety . Ho ° ould not say it appeared adequate ; he could not say jt was "Btatesmanlike ; " he could not say that it seemed * J * ° ly to be a permanent settlement of the question . Wo had always been in favour of an "industrial suffrage , " but he doubted whether ft 5 & franohue would act in % Ht way .
" I am not to be persuaded that there was no measure better fitted for this purpose , no arrangement more apposite and more calculated to complete this end , than merely lowering the rating of the rent on which the suffrage depends , " Demanding further time for considering the measure , / asking the House to consider first , whether a measure like that was required at all ; next , whether that was the measure required , he pointed out that there were other questions—as taxation , colonial and legal reform , which ought to be fairly and attentively considered , as well as parliamentary reform . Sir Geobge GbEY accurately described Mr . Disraeli's speech , when he said , that it would puzzle any one to tell exactly whether the honourable gentlemen
supported or opposed the bill ; but if he had objections , let them he manfully brought forward . He warned the House not to suffer the bill to be defeated by a proposal for delay . Sir Benjamin Ham , sharply replied to Mr . Disraeli , that the noble lord had followed the precedent of 1831 , in asking for leave a few days before he brought in the bill . The measure was not quite satisfactory , hut that was no reason why the radicals should oppose it . No ; they meant to take it , and get as much more as possible . Mr . Baillie had named nomination boroughs , whose representatives sat on the ministerial side ; but where did honourable gentlemen sit who represented such " miserable little" boroughs as Wilton ; Christchurch , Hythe , Buckingham ; Helstone , ' Huntingiddn , and . Stamford ? Altogether , he was thankful to the noble lord for the bill . Lord
Dui ) LEY Stttaet made a similar speech , a little more strongly spiced in expression , and more antagonistic in spirit . He justly rated Lord John Russell for talking of extending the franchise to the people as a reward , and for maintaining the small boroughs . After a few words froin Mr . M . O'Conriell and Captain Harrijt , leave was given to bring in the bill , and the House adjourned at a quarter past ten o'clock . -Lord John RtrssEit presentedthe Parliamentary Representation Bill , amidst cheers from the Ministerial side of the House , on Thursday night , when it was read a first time , and ordered to be read a second time on the 27 th inst .
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FEB . ^ il 8 S 2 . ] THE LEADER . lJ&
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; TENANT-BIGHT . ;• • -. Mr * Shabman Cbawfobd moved for leavo to bring in a " Bill to provide for the better securing and regulating the custom of tenant-right as practised * in the province of Ulster , and to secure compensation to improving tenants , who may not claim under the said custom , and to limit the power of eviction in certain cases , " on Tuesday . He stated the mode upon which he proposed to adjust compensations as follows :-
—" Where the tenant claimed compensation , etch party should appoint arbitrators with power to appoint a third arbitrator ; and if a decision should not be made by the arbitrators , the question was to be referred to the assistantbarrister in all cases under 100 / ., and in all cases over 100 / . to the judge of assize . In the bill introduced by Lqrd Stanley it was proposed that a government commissioner should be appointed for the purpose of deciding those questions , and it would be for the consideration of the' House whether an appointment of that sort should be mdde , ' or whether the decision should be left in the hands of the assistant-barrister or judge of assize . ( Hear , hear . )"
His object was to give that security for outlay in improvementsto the tenant which he did notnow possess All the evils of Ireland aprung from the very imperfect relations of landlord and tenant . Sir Geobge Obey would not oppose the introduction of the bill , but he cbiild hot promise the support of the government . Repeated discussions had proved the " great difficulty , " he would not say the « impossibility" of dealing by Act of Parliament with the subject . Respecting the present deplorable state of certain Northern districts , Sir George Grey made the following incidental statement of the views and intentions of ministers , in substance the same as that given by the Marquis of Lansdowno . " The honourable gentleman had alluded to the outrages that were committed in parts of Ireland to which he
referred , arid the combination existing there ; he ( bir Weorge Grey ) believed that combination arose , not from want of compensation to the tenant for improvement effected upon the [ land , but ; that it was a combination to effect , by force , terror and intimidation , a reduction of rents ( hear , hear ) , and , crime and outrage with that view must be met by the strict arm of the law . ( Hear , hear . ) The government dldinot ask for increased powers to meet it ; they were anxious to endeavour by the ordinary existing law to oppose au effectual check to the progress of this system of terror and intimidation , but whatever the means might bo , when the law was violated by crime and outrage it was the duty of the government to put an end by the strong arm of the law to a system of that kind . ( Hear , hear . ) But if the government were bound to enforce the law against offenders , they were also bound to claim from the occupiers of land , that co-operation that could only be effectually given by their combined action with tho
government . Let rents be fairly assessed between landlords and tenants , and levied with justice and firmness , and then he believed a remedy would be applied to those evils . ( Hear , hear . ) The announcement of the Home Secretary took the edge off the delate " . Nevertheless the Irish members spoke a great deal in support of the motion . Mr . Henby Gbattan referred all the evils of Ireland to absenteeism , and proposed that the estates of the Marquis of Lansdowne , the Dukes of Buckingham and
Devonshire , of Lords Fitzwilliam and Palmerston should be sold by auction ! Mr . Hxtme rushed into the debate uttering wholesale disapproval of the measure , and calling it " communism . " Mr . Roche and Mr . Moobe both supported the motion ; the former rating the government for promising and not carrying a landlord and tenant bill themselves ; and the hitter showing how the landlords took improved hind the instant it was improved , and drove out the tenant by imposing a high rent and giving no compensation . What all admitted to be a moral , Mr . Crawford's bill would make a legal wrong . . Sib John Young rose to combat these positions , and insisted that the proposed remedy was a delusion , and that it would neither benefit landlord nor tenant . Take the case of an unsuccessful man who had paid a large incoming fine for " improvements . '' When he left , he would get his money again , and possibly go to America with it ; while the tenant who paid the fine got nothing for his money , which would otherwise have been available for the purchase of stock . Mr . Sadmer answered this by putting the case of a tenant whose landlord was obliged to sell in the Encumbered Estates Court . The new landlord walked in , and coolly took possession of pll improvements . Was not that wrong ?
"The practice existing in Ireland was very different from that existing in this . In the former country it is the tenant occupier who risks his money and means , the expense , anxiety , and inconvenience of making permanent improvements . This state of things creates in the breasts of the people a passion for the land they have so improved , and creates the notion that he is really a partner in the proprietorship of the land . Bufr-the tenant has no security that he may not be turned out to-morrow , and lose all the benefit of his exertions . It is , therefore , very desirable that some alteration should take place ~ which would leave unchecked the spirit , enterprise , and industry of the tenant occupier who has the" spirit to make those improvements which his landlord is unwilling to undertake . "
Mr . Osbobne characterised the bill as a measure of spoliation , and denounced the Tenant Right Leaguers as dishonest in the main ; yet he was favourable to some alteration in the present law . He also , like Mr . Hume , mixed up tenant right with " communistic theories , " maxims of M . Proudhon , and other strong phrases intended as censure . Lord John Russeli . made a statement of what course the Government had followed on this question . When they came into office , they found bills on the subject , which were taken and submitted to a committee . From these bills one was
framed , which " rather came under the designation of a sensible bill ; " but it did not at all follow , because a bill was a sensible bill , that it would be acceptable to the people of Ireland . ( Laughter . ) On the contrary , it would have been made a text-book for agitators ; and as he found that it did not meet the views of the tenant-right leaguers , it wns withdrawn . Mr , Bright had sent him a act of propositions , which he had read , and forwarded to Ireland . They wore considered by the Irish Privy Council , and returned , as not adapted to the evil . Thereupon , Lord John Russell came to the conclusion last year , that in the then temper of Ireland , any bill that he might introduce would only furnish a source for fresh agitation , and consequently be abstained altogether . The question was one of
" infinite difficulty , " and ho was not prepared to legislate upon it . He did not oppose the introduction of tho bill—for what would bo eaid out of doom if he should ? Mr . Keooh followed Lord John Russell , and exposed the tactics of ministers on this measure over since they had been in office . Lord John Russell had promised a bill to amend the laws relating to landlord and tenant . He had opposed the enaction of an Arms Act , under Sir Robert Peel ' s ministry , in 1846 , on the ground that an equitablo adjustment of this landquestion hod not boon tried an a remedy for agrarian outrage . He hud » inco laid on tho table , year by year , bills on this subject , all of which he had coquetted and toyed with , and not carried , and now . bo refused to legislate at all . Tho present government had paltered with tho question in every sense . <
" When out of office , they had excited tho people of Ireland to most extravagant expectations , and in office , when it would no longer serve the purposes of their administration , they allowed the question , which they themselves had created , to drop to the ground , and now assailed those who , upon their invitation , first became advocates of tho measure . " ( Hear . hoar , and cheers . )
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 14, 1852, page 143, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1922/page/3/
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