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inquire into the cost and applicability of the Exhibition Building in Hyde TPark , " headed by " Seymour , " of Ann Hides notoriety , decide that it had better come down . "Lord John Manners tells us that the Government will not interfere . Parliament is engaged in electioneering . Prince Albert is , at least , indifferent . The Commissioners " take evidence" in solemn sittings- —the evidence is against them—they pervert it in order that they may conclude against it . Vainly do Mr . Cole , Sir Joseph Paxton , and the contractors , attempt to extort a response from the public . Most likely May , which saw the opening of the Exhibition , will behold the demolition of the " "Exhibition Building . "
This is a result which does not surprise us . All vivacity and activity in the public have been systematically cried down , laughed at , and discountenanced . And , as an inevitable consequence , indifferentism prevails everywhere . Why the men who want to get up a public excitement on this question are among the chiefs of that school who discourage public , and above all , decry political agitation . They are ornate
utilitarians who believe in social improvement as opposed to political reform . They altogether abstain from politics ; as if politics were not the life of a people . Consequently , having duly dosed the public with the narcotics of quietism , they have no right to be surprised when , in the hour of distress , the public sleeps on heedless of their cries for help . iThose who sow neutrality reap indifferentism . Anditisiust .
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TRIAL-VIIiLB AND ITS ORIGINATORS . In the article , a " New Solution of the Social Problem , " published in a recent impression , the writer alluded to " Trial-ville , " the modest name under which the " Equitable Tillage" system is being tried . An English gentleman , residing in America , has visited " Modern Times , " a name which this village seems also to bear , and has favoured me with a few particulars concerning the personal views of Messrs . Warren and Andrews , and the manner in which " Ttial-ville " was commenced , which may be interesting to the
English reader . The letter now quoted is dated so far back as last November . JBy this time a fuller account could no doubt be rendered , but the facts deserve publicity , as no personal information upon the subject lias yet appeared in this country . The reader will note the instructive passage on the angularity of the equitable doctrinaires . The excess of practicality which indisposes them to reason with the world is an amusing feature . It i 3 a mistake to assume that , because Euclid lays down problems of magnitude which command conviction , that persons who lay down problems of morals which do not command conviction , are under no necessity to argue with the public . If
the premises of morals were truisms , like the premises of mathematics , dissent would be impossible with all who understood the premises . But where difference of opinion does arise , the want of explanation is evident , and a ' " practical" man should see this . Every objector is not worthy of notice—every caviller need not be answered . Some people can never see the target of an argument at all ; and others who do see it are never able to hit it with a fa <) t . The dense , the incapable , the undisciplined reasoners may be passed b y ; but he who means to advance a just cause will wait upon' mankind with all strong facts aud judicious arguments , winning their conviction . To refuse to reason with the multitude is to abandon reformation to passive submission and utopianism—to the dreamer and the slave . Ion .
WmiiAMSuun an , Nbw Youk , " November 21 , 1851 . My DBAit Ion , —It scorns to mo not unworthy of romark , that a horosy among social roformora should have " pi'ung up simultaneously on both sidoB of the Atlantic , . 1 . roudhon and Andrews aliko discard association , alilco proclaim anarchy ; but Andrews , moro 'intelligibly to -WngliBh oars , proclaims it a 8 tho sovereignty of tho individual . Nor iq Andrews alono horo : a small party of think-* j » of whom Henry James and Dr . Curtis may bo conaili ?* i ¦ cl ! . j umte with him in toaohing tho doctrine that the individual is above tho institution . Sooioty ia for man— -not man for society . jta T V W ¦
* q ^— ' — —* ^— *• «** t \ I featuro of " oquitablo commerce , " by which term Mr . Andrews designates tho reform ho advocates , is a direct oxohango of labour for lnbour and indepondonco of a ^ metallic currency as tho medium . Hero tho reform takes an eminently practical shape , and its fundamental principles ore discussed wholly mi relation to practical operations , as might bo oxpeotad in . this country , whetfo a
profound investigation of fundamental principles would be too apt to be regarded as barren speculation . Henry James is the true philosopher ; but then it is the more spiritual view of the question with which he is concerned . With him it is not man as a sovereign , but man as God ; that is the object of study . His ideas , when fairly before the public , may excite that species of demonstration which greeted the remarkable ' Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation . ' ¦¦ The doctrine' of individuality is a principal and pervading element of the new " science of society . " TFhe ' circle of principles' includes , besides this of individuality , and the sovereignty of the individual ( two separate principles ) , those of " cost the limit of price , " a circulating meminm based directly upon labour ( that which is practically
adopted being " the labour note" ) , and a scientific adaptation of supply to demand . But so far as the organization of labour and immediate social amelioration are concerned , the cost principle , the labour " note , and two other principles treated by Andrews as mere consequences of the first of these , viz ., the abolition of all secrets and mysteries in trade , and the throwing open of all employments to all , are the most important contributions of this new ' science of society * to the cause of social reform . One of the first institutions in an equitable town is the " college , "—at first , exclusively industrial . By a judicious centralization , the cost of workshop-room , tools , and materials , would be greatly diminished , while the learners would have additional advantages in finding a market for
their produce . I must here observe , that Warren s idea of education is , that it should be , in the first instance , industrial—exclusively industrial . But , like the doctrine of individuality and the sovereignty of the individual ,- " equitable education" has mysteries beyond me . Mr . Warren is a singularly angular man . Unless his ideas are instantly received—just as stated—as absolute and unquestionable truth , he is astonished at the stupidity of mankind , and their incapacity to comprehend " self-evident facts" The idea of discussion with a view to eliciting the truth , is to him an absurdity . If one differs from him—or cannot go all the way with him—or feels doubt as to some points , it ia useless to discuss with him ; he tells vou the verv difference is a proof of his doctrine—it proves
your individuality , and you having no demand tor the truth he has to sujpiy , we have only to go our several ways in peace . Even Andrews refuses argument . It is " a science , " he says , which he has to teach , no more to be discussed than a proposition in Euclid , If you do not admit the conclusions , you do not understand the" premises . Even he sometimes tells you , as a final and _ conclusive reply to all questions— "If you don't see it so , well , you have no demand for the reform we have to supply and so we Agree to differ and part company . " _ Now , to some extent it ' must be conceded they are right in taking this attitude , when we think of the instances here of the density of people—and sensible people , too—on this subject . The long habit—centuries and centuries old —of worshipping gold ; and its present practical omnitne iaise commercial
principlepotence , the product pi itself so seemingly true and right—that " a thing is worth what it will fetch , " and that " a thing ought to fetch what it is worth , " all tend to blind the eyes , and render a correct comprehension of the first principles of <' equitable commerce" absolutely impossible to large numbers of people . The practical operations in founding an equitable village vary , of course , with every " individual" case . But the means required are simple enough in a country like this , where land—new land , can be had so cheaply . At Modern Times the first operation was to apply to some landowners , and obtain from them a binding legal document , sell certain
compelling them within a certain period to a tract of land in acre * lots at a fixed price ( and a pretty good one / too !) to such persons as were named by Mr . Andrews , and the first three or four " actual settlers . Some ninety acres wore then surveyed and mapped out into streets and avenues—all the " blocks , " as wo call them in this country , being just alike , having an avenue on tho north , another on t he south ; a street on the oast , and another on tho west , with a lane running through the middle from north to south—i . e ., from avenue to avenue . Each block contains four acres—each acre is a lot ; and Mr . Andrews professes to sell no more than three lots to
any ono person . « . t ' i u Tho next proceeding was for a house to be erected by ono purchaser , wMcli was forthwith lot by him " at cost * to some friends of Ms , young men employed to build it . Shortly after this first house was begun , Mr . Warren went down and built a house , subsequently sold " cost —i . e ., money for wliat cost money ( 120 dollars , I believe ) , and " labour for labour . " T he purchaser is a good practical mechanic , a smith and boiler-maker ; but , like most Yankees , ablo to turn his hand to anything , and , in particular , is a woli-skilled houso-carpontor . As soon as this socond houso was habitable ( tho first had boon
occupied from tho day tho roof was on , and had boon completed at loisuro aftorwards ) , Mr . Warren bogan his " collogo , " now completed sufficiently for occupation;—u square brick building-, thirty-two feet each way , containing twoHtorios and attics ; the ground-floor boing occupied as work-shops ( a smithy and carpenter ' s shop ) and a etoro . Tho upper part aro dwellings—already in part occupied . Tho exceedingly email coat of tho materials required lor building a house ret . Modern Timos is partly owing to an invention of Mr . Wurron ' s for making aun-burnt bricks out of moro gravol and lime . Mr . Warron has also other mechanical inventions , from which ho has very groat
expectations . Tho firat settlors in our oquitablo town must all bo mon having somo means of subsistence independent ot thoso oporatiocs . Thoy must havo somo trado or occupation that can bo pursued at tho now settlement , tho markot lor their produco existing olsowhoro . Tho first practical stop in tho actual carrying out of tho reform will bo , probably , the opening of the store . Tho goods boing sold at cost will be an inducement to all tho noighboura to come and deal there . But the rule of tho equitable store ia " money tor
what costs money , " labour for labour . Every customer must , therefore , have some industry or occupation lor which the storekeeper has , directly or indirectly , a demand , to exchange against the storekeeper ' s time and labour in purchasing , storing , and dealing out his goods . „ , The storekeeper will take the labour notes of sucn parties as he can trust ; the rest must , by some means or other , obtain his . . Just so far as a ^ demand is thusr created at the new , settlement , other industries can be established . A . tailor , for instance , a shoemaker , still more a smith and a carpenter , would find in any agricultural district a considerable demand for his services . And , as far as he ts able , he dispenses with money as the payment for his services ; and this ability depends , of course , on the amount of agricultural produce , furnishing the means of subsistence , which flows through the store into the new town . Whatever is produced by the labour only of the settlers , costs
ia exchangeable against labour only . That which the storekeeper labour notes only , is purchaseable from him for labour notes only . So that there is thus created what they call " equitable circle , " which they say will continually increase , until ultimately a money currency will cease altogether to be necessary , and " equitable commerce" shall reign alone . , . It seems plain enough to me that , taking the cost principle , the labour note , the emancipation of labour from all shackles of monopoly as the g roundwork , a much more efficient organization for the rapid development of the Reform might be devised . But this Warren and Andrews will not listen to . They don't expect nor wish for rapid progress * Their whole circle of principles must be carried out in their integrity ; and so nervously anxious is Warren about the strictest adherence to the Individuality doctrine , that for fear of some possible joint interest , or remote resemblance to association , he will seldom admit
even of concerted action . When the public shall be thoroughly imbued with , the doctrine of " Cash as the limit of price , " and the abohtion of metallic currency , association will assuredly become unnecessary ; but , meantime , it has unquestionably a great work to perform . And an organization for the systematic carrying out of this Raform , might do in a year or two * more than disjointed effort will do in ten . But whatever value there may be in the ideas tipon which V Equitable Commerce" is based , I confidently anticipate considerable modifications from the present form of the movement as the result of European criticism , especially as the fanaticism of the leaders here renders discussion on this side of the Atlantic impossible . Still , I believe these doctrines , one and all , do constitute ( subject
to those modifications ) the solution of the Social problem . They alone show how the most complete co-operation , unsurpassed by that of any Icarian Communist Republic , can be obtained without infringement on the most absolute freedom of each individual . They alone show how the exactions of Capital—interest , rents , profits , and land monopoly , too—may be got rid of ; the masses being able , through this reform , gradually , yet inevitably and quietly , to step out from under the present system , leaving national debts , aristocracies , and all other feudal and commercial night-mares , behind . No Social Reform ever presented so many inducements to its immediate practical execution ; for none were over so easy to set about , none ever interfered so little with private interests , none were over so pliable and capable of modification to meet all manner of circumstances ; for in a jiroxd , none were ever so near the truth . * Very sincerely yours , Henky Edgeb .
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MISS SEIION AND THE BISHOP . Dr . Philpotts has published a letter , announcing that he withdraws from his post as Visitor to the Sisters of Mercy at Dovonport . The occasion has been furnished by Mr . Spuxrell ; but that person gains nothing in tho process—he rathor loses . Dr . Philpot ts alleges a discrepancy between tho rules and tho fulfilment of thoso rules in tho institution over which Miss Sellon presides . Ho pointedly instances tho practice respecting property . In tho rules submitted to him , it was laid down , that a sistor rotiring took with her tho property sho brought to tho common fund ; in practico tho property is retained by tho
community . Wo think the Bishop has acted rightly . Not to lot Mr . Spurrell escape , ho severely condomns tho conduct of that person , and ovon publishes a comploto refutation of tho charge that confession is enforced in Miss Sellon ' s school . Wo fool bound to say , that tho reasons alleged by tho Bishop of Exeter for his withdrawal , do , to a certain extont , confirm tho chargo of Romanizing brought against Miss Sellon ; but at tho samo time wo aro as far aB over from believing in tho imputation put forward by Mr . Spurroll , that Miss Sollon is wilfully and with malica aforethought working to pavo tho way for tho introduction of tho Roman-catholic religion .
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DBVIM-BD PIOS . Thhiu ] avo a number of Finnish fanatics in Norwegian Lapland who havo lately adopted tho praotico of conjuring tho Dovil into a Xoung Pig , and then boiling tho diflbolised animal alive . »> It is presumed that thoy thoroby hoped offoctuftlly to Hettlo hia Satanic Majesty . The Bishop was very much shocked , and tried persuasion without effect ; in fact , ho ran considerable danger of being scalded , for , it is said , they threatened to diaboliee tho Bishop , and boil him alive .
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i Ma&ch 27 , 1852 , ] THE LEADER . j ^ ' ¦ — '¦¦¦ - ' . : -- ¦¦ ¦ ' ' ¦ ' ' " ' ~ - - *~ " ^""* . ___' - ¦ ¦ ^ . _! J ' " -- ¦ - ¦¦ " - " i ¦' . " .. .. . ^^— ¦ ^—^ M ^ ——^—1^——M—M * ^ *!* 11 ^ ' 1 ^^^^
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Leader (1850-1860), March 27, 1852, page 299, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1928/page/15/
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