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3 ur scourged to it , brijbed to it , inured to it by fiSrial ofWood , pampered to . it by gocjoVeatw ind driniing , preached to it , weaned from ^| ry other duty , ^ moraliz ed from every Sw duty > moralised only to that , and tried in Jh «? dut / inder the hand of their half creator , * W last finisher , $ heir master , seated there hove Such is the glory machine , taken from Sons and given to Napoleons , or Bourbons , nr Sapsburgers , as the case may be ; such is ? L thunder-and-Ug htnirig machine of the terres-SiT Jove , typified on French medal by the bolt behind of the godlike Napoleon the First , modelled nakea on such coin for the greater sublirnitv We remember we'll to have deeri that
medal after the fall otthe niignty man : JLouis T ? at ) oleon must have remembered it too , seated there on his high tribune , 'holding m his right hand the great cursing-machine , m has left the blessing-machine . i : < v . Beyond , crowding as they might have done to honour the Bepublic in its virgin days—if ever those were — as they might have done to honour Louis Philippe , nbtre cher bourgeois , *•« ¦ Tinnonr Bourbon or Bonaparte , Lamarbine , honour Bourbon or Bonaparte , Laniarbine ,
^ the Goddess of Reason , ' . ' . or Hardi Gras , Sat , stood , trudged , jostled , and fumed , those facile and ever gay Parisians , mastered to the Splendours of the scene . What if their brothers and sisters had been torn from their homes at midnight , or butchered in the noon-day street PThey had held the freedom of the * state in their own hands , and he had snatched it from them ; they had possessed themselves , and he had niched them from themselves ; but he gives subh
magnificent reviews—and now does he ^ possess them quite . * ¦ ¦ . Near him , honoured by the * , nearness , and sunned by the success , stood numbers pf our more exalted countrymen- — -Englishmen of high hirth , men in the uniform of the British ; army- — for the paid soldier needs have no country , only a sense of ofBcial authority . Honoured , caressed , applauded , was the chief of the day , for is he not " established "; quite established ; enough for the assent of English arigtocracy . He had duly taken possession of " my allies" in the English fashion—he had dined , them . And they stood around — the licensed representatives of that
England , whose party chiefs are eager , to , confess a wholesome awe of the dread potentate—whose foreign minister is his . intimate and ; confidential friend , and apt coadjutor , in decreeing successions under the very nose of Russia . And all , he must have thought , surveying the living mass from his high place , are mine ; those soldiers whom I have trained to trot , to manoeuvre , to eat , to slay , at my will ; those priests whom I have helped back into high place ; those officers , whom I have made to know their stations , have indulged in battues of civilians , and have decorated ; that people , whom I have cowed , coerced , and amused—all mine .
And so they are . A ^ Name , a cramped and silent tongue , lips crafty and compressed , a conscience absolved from scruple by a superstitious predestinatarianism , have been his resources , ¦ fcorce is still the final arbiter ; and if a nation does not hold its strength in its own hands , a lounger from Leicester-square , with talents for conspiracy above those of a common pirate , can seize the state . Especially if it have no real
convictions—i f its nationality be the passion for a fete outvying f 6 tcs elsewhere ; its religion , the ^ Ugion of a lath and plaster altar ; its " glory " *? be done for it by hired lackeys ; its really Aigu-nundod men unvalued , sent to exile without an effort to hold them back . Power was wiero that day , in the full prido of triumph , an ffRio trampling on its prey ; but there was one uung wanting which had made that prey
holp'• B undor 1 <; s oppressor , which now mado that hi f 1 ° P ° hollow and tottoring as tho altar w » aU ) ostowod its pasteboard blessing—that thing wanted was Lovo . Tho nationhad loved nothing , oliin i A 0 fc enou 9 h to bind it to any common "ject ot hfc . And that man , none loves him , W SOul ; noi for al 1 his power , all his sploncloS " 1101 * allhifl soMali favours and debasing onuses Unloved because unloving . Ho us ; pmL i \ one < Jo 8 iroB him to bo . Ho will * uao when his hour is full , and no one will strive Lilrn . i slml > t ot % destruction , no ono mourn , hand , i ° mva yp > his is what he holds : lot his day ' an ( i ifc is e ° " ° > and ho—a lump of Meanwhile ho has boon ablo to mako franco
the Helot example for the free nations that remain in Europe : to them the fete . of - May" 10 exposed her in the garish sunshine of her abject forgetfulness , and in the triumphai trappings of her splendid degradation .
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THE ORANGE THUNDER-CLOUD . Theeb questions , each one of considerable importance , are involved in the adjourned debate on the Maynooth grant—that of good faith , in not re-opening the settlement of 1845 , that of the relation of England to Ireland and that of civil and religious liberty . We agree with Lord Palmerstoninhis viewof "the previous question , " whether the present is the time to entertain any proposition for inquiry ; since there are , as Mr . Henley said in regard to the policy of repealing free trade , " no new facts . " The charges
made against the [ Roman-catholic instruction are exactly the same that were made in 1845 , and were deliberately overruled by Parliament ; the college has not yet turned out any scholar ; the intervening question of papal aggression , so obliquitously used by the late Ministers , gives every re-opening of the . question a peculiar and ominous colour ; and thus ^ having noth ing to learn , and much to mistrust in the moral influence of the reopening , we hold that it would be far best to have no inquiry at aH . ^ i
So many , however , give the motion at least a negative sanction , that we must make up our minds to its coming ; and in that expectation -we rejoice to see that Mr . Gladstonehas so distinctly and justly placed the inquiry on its right ground . The principal arguments for inquiry are rested by Mri Spooner on the nature of the doctrines taught by the Homan-catholics ; but that kind of statement is wholly beside the real question at issue . The continuance of the Maynooth endowment can only be discussed on the same
ground with the grant of 1845 , and that did not relate to Roman tenets . Romanism is at present a fixed fact in Ireland : you have Roman-catholics , you have priests , and the priests must be taught r and the question raised by Sir Robert Peel waa ^ this ; having those priests , who will receive an education somewhere , is it better that they should receive it in . St . Omer and Eome , or in Dublin ? The question of the existence of the . priests , or > of their education , is not at issue ; but the question of place is ; and you have to
say whether the place would be amid Ultramontane society , or amonff English society ; among a society in which the Galilean doctrine of the solar system is recognised as a matter of course , or where the Ptolemaic system is the only one permitted utterance ? The main fact , the essence of the matter , is not in question ; the thing in question , is the circumstances . It is a question of rearing Cullens or Murrays—Roman Catholics
both , both loyal to the Sovereign . Jrontilt ; but one declaring education , thought , science , incompatible with his presence ; the other giving to Roman Catholicism insp irit which , rendered it quite compatible with the education , the science , the liberal feeling of English society . It is a geographical question , involving all the difference in the surrounding influences ; and ' Sir Robert Peel decided that question in favour of Dublin . The true question has not altered since ho settled
it . Tho question of religious liberty , however , is immediately involved . If you grant perfect freedom of opinion you must permit tho discussion of Roman tonets : if you permit real discussion , you must permit conviction to carry itself out into practice . But you always grant that pormission with important reservations , in which social safoty really lies . If you think that tho influence created is bad , the same , frcodom of opinion and discussion onables you , without any violation of conscienco , to promote tho countorinfluence ; aud . surolv . in a free . atmosphere , tho
JNTowtonian nqed not foar tho Ptolornaic system I And tho promulgation of doctrines opposed in spirit to tho spirit of tho established laws , although it warrants . no forcible pr summary suppression , does warrant a strict and effective visitation , to soo that tho laws bo not infringed . TIioho are the true safeguards of religious liberty , as applied against the onoroachmonts of Homo . Assume that any tonols aro to bo accounted " wrong" m tho oyo of tho law , and you at onco admit tho right to diotato what is " right ; " wluuh is precisely tho claim that you deny to Homo . Admit that you may enforce what is doctrinally " right " by suppressing what ie dootrinally wrong , and
you at once close the field of discussion ; Home haying all the advantage in the closed ; field , but being powerless in the Open field . A religious liberty which may be violated in favour of a particular religious creed , or against a particular creed , is no liberty , but only a dictation agreeable to those who agree with the dictator . The true friends of religious liberty . will therefore insist upon the absolute right of Romanists to propagate their tenets , so long as equal freedom be maintained for other creeds ; and they will insist on the right of Homanists to practise their
observances , so long as they do not break the law . With those two safeguards , neither science , nor morals , nor freedom , nor Protestantism , nor any other thing that we value in this country , has aught to fear from Romanism . Sot only is the faith of good statesmanship invaded in this attempt to re-open the Maynooth question—not only is religious freedom invaded under pretext of a defensive attack on the Pope , but the-most direct practical effect of the dispute is , to set Ireland against England . It is quite evident from the debate , that the more ardent
Romanists do not altogether dislike the movement . The amount of the" grant ,--- a paltry 26 , 0007 ., is not worth consideration—is certainly worth no mean-spirited concessions ; but the Withdrawal of it would powerfully stimulate Irish feeling , as such , against Protestantism and all that belongs to it . In any serious confusion the Catholicism of Ireland has nothing to lose , but might gain something ; -the expulsion ; for instance , Of an alien clergy , with the property of the alien church for a prize . It is the moderate Catholics who join with the liberals and the true friends of relisrious progress in deprecating a conflict that
must set Ireland and England against each other . In permitting this movement , Ministers ^ take out a bad compensation for their better spirit in other things . " While false oeconomists and peace men are d . elighting to keep England disarmed in the face of an armed and threatening continent , the Conservatives are doing their best , cumprivilegio et auctoritate , to alienate Ireland from England , and make Ireland remember the proclamation of O'Connell , that England ' s danger is Ireland ' s opportunity—and her sole opportunity shall it be , says Spooner , by licence of Derby .
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THE SETTLEMENT OP SCHLESWIGH 0 LSTEIN . The tedious and perplexing Schleswig-Holstein question , involving such momentous considerations as the succession to the Danish crown and the sovereignty of the discordantDuchies . has been finally arranged , as all these high dynastic limitations aro wont to be arranged , in a Downingstrect back parlour , by five more or less distinguished , and more or less astute members of that fraternity which has survived the thimbleriggers of the race-course , and which , for want of a more comprehensive term , wo may call the great Redtape-ocracy of Europe . These five gentlemen , starred ana decorated , are by courtesy styled tho Great Powers : and it is their office to " settle " the affairs of nations as composedly as your attorney re-settles a landed entail , when the heir lias turned out a spendthrift . Just in this lastnamed fashion , indeed , has a certain Duke of Augustenberg beon disentailod of his claims upon tho succession to which a certain Prince Christian , of SoNDJEituuna Glucksbekg , is as summar ily preferred by a few strokes of tho
diplomatic pen . The Duke of Augustenberg is declared " attaintpd , " without any form , of trial . Ho has forfeited all rights and claims by tho quasi-revolutionary sympathy ho manifested towards the Gorman population of tho Duolues in the recent contest . Wo aro very far from attributing to this attainted duke any real patriotic impulses , for all Ins ( rormanizing ardour : nor do wo considor his reduction to a privato station in tho light of a national loss to Sehleswig . orto Holstein .
Indeed , ho may think lumselt lucky , as times f ^ o to have got off with a very handsomo consideration for tho loss of rights , ' which thoro ia littlo reason to bcliovo ho would over hav 6 oxercised for any but his own aggrandizement . Wo will oven go go far as to express our belief , that the Gorman population of tho duchy may bo happier and bottor governed undor tho prosont mild and progressive Danish Liboralism , than under tho capricious tyranny of a Frankfort Diet , or tho paternal mysticism of a Frederiok-William .
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; - ¦ ] y [ AY 15 , q 8 g 2 . ] THE LEADER / # 5
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 15, 1852, page 465, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1935/page/13/
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