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^ti hJit Manx.
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j „« , W thought of and endeavoured to serve them . He Ji tie friend it the unfortunate . "
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Police annals record some of the strangest events of social life , and reveal a great deal more than is pleasant of the hidden doings of society . One of these singular events came to light yesterday at Bow-street :-r-Lord Viscount Frankfort De Mbntmorency , commonly called Lord Frankfort , of 14 , Buckingham-street , Strand , appeared before Mr . Henry upon a summons , charging Turn with having " unlawfully composed , printed , and published a foul , malicious , and defamatory libel of and c oncerning lord Henry Lennox . " The offence consisted in addressing indecent letters to Lord Henry Lennox , of which a specimen was read in . court . They purported to be written by Mr . Macbeath , a solicitor in Vigo-street , whose name Lord Frankfort had used . « Mr . Macbeafch presents his duty to the peeresses and
the daughters of the nobility and gentry , and informs them that he continues to arrange assignations with the most perfect impunity and safety .. Havine been trained by Mr . Harris , he now acts directly under ^ President and Director-General of assignations , Phipps . " Mr . M . begs to call the attention of the ladies to his lon e-established mode of transacting business . He himself waits upon them at dusk , sending up his card in a tissue envelope ; always seeing the parties himself , and arranging personally with them for the reception of the Lothario of the evening , at one o ' clock at night ; when he is enabled by his peculiar system to keep the husband insensibly asleep , while the parties are amorously engaged in the drawing-room .
« p g . He guarantees to married women half their husband ' s fortune , or more , if * hey are found out ; and will put him in the Ecclesiastical Courts , which are an appendage of his establishment . To spinsters . he promises husbands , whom he puts in mad-houses , and gets all the fortune for the wives . His predecessor broke one baronet's neck , for his wife ' s sake ; and having got rid of another , is now endeavouring to destroy his will . Those ladies who will turn up with the parties sent may be satisfied they will be 'looked at ; ' but those who refuse to do so will not be looked at at all . "
To the foregoing the following names were annexed : — " Lord Henry Lennox , Portland-place . " Mr . W . Harris , Sutton-lodge , Hackney , and 12 , Moorgate-street , city . " Mr . Macbeath , 3 , Vigo-street , Regent-street . " Mr . Barnard Macdonough . " Mr . John Foster , 20 , Park-road , Stockwell . " Mr . James Hunter , 14 , Buckingham-street , and Limestreet , city . " Mr . Jackson , John-street , Adelphi , and 37 , Jermynstreet . " Documents similar to this had been sent to the Eeverend Mr . Mackenzie , vicar of St . Martin ' s-in-the-Fields , and Lord Henry Gordon , who both appeared in court to testify to the fact .
Lord Henry Lennox . —I know nothing of any of the publications , or of the -parties named in them . I have been goaded on to appear in a court by the nuisance inflicted on others , and for the protection of the public ; otherwise I should have taken no notice of so contemptible a production . The letters were traced to Lord Frankfort by Inspector Field and Sergeant Thornton , who" seized them and arrested the servant in whose custody they were , as she waa about to deposit . them in the post- office at Oharing-cross . The letters had been systematically sent to a number of gentlemen and ladies , and it was felt that the nuisance ought to be put down .
John Gray , formerly a policeman , deposed that at interviews he had had with Lord Frankfort , conversations had arisen about the arrest of the servant and the detention o { the letters , of which the following is a specimen .- — " On the 27 th of July I saw Lord Frankfort again , at ten o ' clock in the morning . He said , ' Do you know Sergeant Harrington ? ' I said , ' No—there is Sergeant Thornton . ' Ho said , * Ah , that ' s the name . I wish you to see them , and request them to come here and make an offer of compromise , for they have done wrong . They aro not to offer too large a sum , for if I think it too much I shall take off half . If they got into tho hands of a low lawvor they will have to pay a good deal , for , supposing
tho letters contained treason , there was nothing in tho publication that could hurt me , as I have had advice upon the subject . What sort of a tempered man is Field ?' I said he was mild in tho execution of hia duty . Ho Bftid , ' I Bhould not like to hurt them . ' That ended tho conversation on tho 27 th . I saw him again on tho 28 fch Ht his own house . I told his Lordship that I could not see Field , as ho had gone to Goodwood races , and Thornton was also out of town . He said , ' Thov aro in a - ^ - moss , aoud somo ono to thom . Don't make it appear aa if you eamo from mo . They havo committed a highway robbery on my porsonal property , as well aa a trespass . If they liavo acted on a warrant issued by tho Secretary of State , or Sir It . Mayne , they aro both hasty , I shall bring it
fooioro Parliament , and tho Derby Government will bo thrown out , and Sir ltichard Mayno will lose hia place , for they both dony thom , and tho mon will bo loft to thoir own , resources , for I can get a verdict against thom . " Lord Frankfort . —Thoro 18 not a word of truth in this man ' s statement . J havo nothing to hide . I simply told hiux that tho poor woman was going to put it into tho luinda of a lawyer , Mr . Macboath waa examined at his own roquost , and ho uoniod that ho had over given authority for tno use of hia nfttno . As tho letters woro printed circulars , evidence- of J- Uo handwriting on tho envelopes waa takon , Mr . Macbouth boUovinu tha | - it was that of hia lordHhip . Tho caao wua adjourned , for further evidence . Lord Frankfort waa ordorou to enter into lua own . rocognlaaucop in 600 k to , appoar on Tuesday noxt .
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THE IMPOSSIBLE WAR WITH AMERICA . A wa . b with the United States , or a craven retractation—such appear to be the alternative courses before the Ministers of this Imperial state . If the aspect of affairs , and the public documents , are to be trusted , that position , at once rash and humiliating , has been deliberately assumed by Lord Malmesbury ; whether at the instigation of Sir John Pakmgton we know not ; but of course with the sanction of Lord Derby . It is desirable that the position should be well understood .
Last week we showed how impossible it would be for the Government of the United States to make the concession demanded by Downingstreet . Eecently we saw a pressure on our own Government to maintain the British right of encroachment on the Lobos Islands , for the sake of a few vessels bringing away manure j a claim not instantly scouted , but gravely discussed in Downing-street , in Parliament , and in the City . Whole communities have not grown up during a thirty-four years' freedom , to ransack the Lobos Islands ; the value of the property is not estimated—obviously and ludicrously below the real value—at 3 , 000 , 000 Z . ; bringing home guano is not one of the staple trades of Lancashire and Cheshire ; there are not thirty thousand seamen employed in the trade , nor are great Liverpool
and City capitalists involved with their property : such are not the circumstances of the encroachment on the Lobos Islands , but they are the circumstances of the American encroachment on the British fishing grounds . The Government at Washington cannot recall that creation of thirty years , and tell it to withdraw from the field of its operations at the bidding of a particular gentleman in Downing-street , whose inoom- ? potency to meddle with public affairs haa been distinctly confessed . Under what circumstances does " England , " as Downing-street is pleased to call itself , approach this war P
Will Downing-street go to war with America , when we are struggling , not very satisfactorily , against a deadly climate , and a treacherous people at . Rangoon ; the people of India looking on , and awaiting a stumble on our part to keep us down P ~ Will Downing-street undertake this war , for the sake of the British American colonies , when the first thing those colonies will reap from it will be some concessions humiliating to England , including , very likely , the concession of the colonies themselves P
When Australia , already offended in her sorest interests , has threatened independence , has talked of Republican federation , has shown her own " star-spangled banner , " and has made advances towards an Australian-American alliance P When Downing-streot cannot master tho Black savages at tho Capo P When tho Wost Indies , in complete despair , aro cold in their loyalty P When Ireland only awaits a new Hopoal agitation , perhaps under American patronage P—if wo suffer Downing-stroot to drive America into boing
our enemy . When Franco ia waiting to avenge Waterloo , and greedily reading Lieutenant Maurice ' account of our unprotected coasts P Surely this is not tho timo for war with America , especially as wo ape not very well propared at homo . Our militia is not yot enrolled , much less " mobilized" ; and if it woro both , it could hardly contend with tho Yankees in thoir own broad lands—so rich for its own wanderers , ho baffling to tho foreign Invader , to say nothing of that strong a , rmy or militia , of which comparatively small contingents havo already conquered
Mexico . Corriwallis would find his tour in Carolina far less easy than it was—but even then it ended in capitulation . Our navy too—that is still unconquered ; but should we first try it , alter a peace of nearly forty years' duration , against the only enemy that we can reasonably dread at sea . jffot that we would dissuade from a war in dread of any foe whatsoever , if we could imagine that we had on our side God and the right ; but what Downing-street is now doing is mischievous and unjust , and cannot be blessed even with the solaces of defeat .
The pretext is , that we are defending Imperial rights and British colonial interests . The imperial rights have been waived in practice ; and the Foreign Secretary of England ' s best Minister offered to waive the right in form ; so that Imperial dignity cannot be pledged to ruin the fishers of Massachusetts and Maine . And if New Brunswick and Nova Scotia are British
colonies , so are the United States , now : to this day , more than to the British colonies , our own kin flock to the United States . Jtfay , in-thia very fishery—which we are to assail at the bidding of the feeblest party in the country—in this veryfishery , English capital , English sailors , English ship-builders , English labourers , are embarked , and will be compelled to meet us in fratricidal contest . - Is that having God and the right on onr aide P
But that is not all . A very large proportion of England ' s own capital is locked up in American bonds , stocks , Government and State securities ; so that not only have our relatives in America their capital embarked in American enterprise , but the men of London , and " the public , " amongst ourselves , who deal in investments , have an amount of property at stake which a war
would jeopardize . The " aristocracy" of this country hardly feels the force of such considerations ; since the family connexions with the Baltimores and Percys , and other old colonizers , are remote or extinct ; but the middle and working classes are connected with the very heart of society in America , by many ties which are deep rooted in both countries ; and there are few families that have not some immediate connexion
with the republic by blood , or alliance , or property . Whore such considerations fail , there is another that ought to be powerful : a war with . America would-be attended by all the evils of " protection , " in cutting us off from the trade with the great consumer of the articles which we manufacture and carry . Manchester , Leeds , Glasgow , Paisley , Liverpool , would call to a strict account the Ministry that should plunge us into a war with the country which has created so large a part of their substance . Think of cutting off , by a notice in the Gazette , all the accounts kept in all those places with American houses !
Such a war , indeed , ought to bo regarded as an impossibility , were it not for certain ugly considerations , partly matter of suspicion , partly matter of obvious fact . It is a fact , most notorious and melancholy , that the people of this country has , to uso its own homely vulgarism , become so used , in public affairs , during the long peace , to bo " taken in and done for , " that it has contracted tho habit of letting officials emulate the beggar on horseback . We can , therefore ,
imagine any amount of mischief committed by tho sufferance of the English people , until some great calamity should havo recalled us , by the sharp spur of suffering , to our duty . It is difticult to imagine that tho present Cabinet in Downing-streot should retract from its false position ; since that would imply a . levity , an alternation of bullying and flinching , of which even a Malmosbury or a Dorby might bo ashamod . Tho Government at Washington
cannot retract . It is , indeed , within tho scope of imaginable possibility that our Government should not dosiro to avoid a rupture with America . It parados tho good understanding with Austria ; it is said to bo sending Lord Westmoreland to Italy to undo Lord Minto ' a mission . It is reported to bo engaged with other powers in supporting Spanish traditions in Mexico againut the luternal
party , which may bo called tho federal allies of tho United States . Wo have no means of teating the truth of those rumours ; but they aro of secondary importance in comparison with tho notorious fact that the Tory Government of England , the ostentatiously profeaaed enemy of Democracy , has the MtrongOHt sympathies with tho despotic authorities of jSuropo , A war with
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August 14 , 1852 . ] THE LEADER . ™
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . Abnold .
^Ti Hjit Manx.
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SATURDAY , AUGUST 14 , 1852 .
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 14, 1852, page 775, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1947/page/11/
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