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In the last Revue des Deux Mondes there is an article on the French Fleet , said to be by the Prince de Joinvillb , assuredly not by M . de Mar ' s ( who , signs it ); and following it there is a continuation of St . Marc Gikardin ' s acute and agreeable study of Rousseau—this paper being devoted to the rhetorical sophism of Equality . St . Marc Girardin does not see where the fundamental error lies . He does not see that the declamations about equality are founded on a profound misconception of
human nature , which misconception leads to the belief that governments and institutions can do everything , that the source of all evil lies there . Equality of conditions is nonsense ; equality of rights is all that can be demanded . Why do not the flowers get up a cry of intgaliUdes conditions ? Nature who never repeats herself , who never makes two leaves precisely alike , does not make two men precisely alike ; and she having made them unequal , Philosophy , in the presumption of its rationalistic conception , fancies there is a way to rectify this inequality ! But it is written , you may
expel Nature with a fork , and she reappears the next minute—you may decree the absolute equality of men , but the next minute Nature ' s decree will abrogate it ! Men want freedom , not equality . They want their own individuality respected , and not that individuality merged in the uniformity of the race . All they really ask for is that Brown , Jones , and Robinson , should have no prescriptive right to fill offices for which Nature has not fitted them ; should not , in a word , have privileges , beyond those ineffaceable privileges of superior organization . So far from there being a passion for equality among men , it is patent to every unbiassed mind that there is a passion for inequality—an instinct towards decisive individualism .
These questions will be revived by Prqudhon ' s last work , La Revolu tion Sociale Demontrte par U Coup d'Etat , which Louis Napoleon has permitted to appear though his ministers forbade it , In a few days we shall have the work ; and our readers may rely on being informed thereon . The mention of this redoubtable athlete of Socialism reminds us that a re-issue of Fourier ' s work on The Passions of the Human Soul , translated by Mr . Morell , is about to appear in monthly parts , sixpence each
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Lamartine ' s sixth volume of the Histoire de la Restauration , though not the most interesting in matter , seems by far the most excellent in composition . It embraces the period from the execution of Labedoyere to the death of Napoleon at St , Helena . The narrative is full yet rapid ; and the volume contains , among other things , a most curious and interesting paper hitherto unpublished , written by Louis XVJIL , giving a private history of the agitations of a change of Ministry .
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Bettina is once more perplexing Germany with her calculated phantasies . Her Gesprdche mit Damonen , just issued , is dedicated to her old friend , the King of Prussia , who will not be the least puzzled of her readers , if he reads it . What the hook means , let him answer who can discover ! Bettina naturally brings the name of Goethe to all minds , and Noodledom will hear , with compassionate surpr ise , that Adolf Staiir has just written a book , Weimar und Iena , proving that this so-called " cold" and " unpatriotic" poet was as much to be admired for his noble , human , loving natnre , as for his poetic genius . The fact of Ai > olf Stahr being an energetic democrat , gives greater force to his views in Germany , because there the democratic party has incessantly reproached Goethe with his want of their ardour . It is true he shared none of their chimerical
notions of equality . He insisted upon reverence , for all superiority . " Real barbarism , " he saya somewhere , " consists in refusing to recognise the hi ghest . * ' That which Carlyle calls Hero-worship will be found , in a mitigated form , constantly expressed by Goethe ; and with this Aristocracy , in the finest sense of the word , every rational democrat will sympathize .
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AN AMERICAN TIIIN £ Elt .. Xsoclurca and Miscellanies . * Uy Henry Jajuos . IlodOold ; IJow York It ys so rarq to meet with a book of real independent thought , that a reviewer has no more pleasing task tb . au to announce the discovery to all friends . Wo do so now with Henry James ' s Lectures and Miscellanies , a auiull volume of sterling worth , expraasing with eloquent sincerity thoughts which will sot other minds thinking . When it is said that this writer is original , the originality tUeroby indicated must not be confoundod with entire novqUy . Ho bvtta thought these thoughts for himself , nofc merely repeutod thorn from others : higher pmisu one rarely haa to give . ' JfU © LwCwkvq » Jf « on . ^ eBftopy ^ ey and ifa * i » su « s , ^ Property aa a Symbol , Universality in Art , tho OJd and JNcw Theology , and the Scientific Aucord
of Natural and Revealed Religion . We will glance at their purport as briefly as we may . On Democracy , Mr . James , though an American , ( or , perhaps , because an American , and therefore capable of looking throug h , the actual limitations and imperfections of political democracy , ) speaks with a wise appreciation of its purely negative , limited , and transitory , though necessary character . Instead of accepting it , as the mass of democratic politicians accept it , in the light of a final organization , lie sees what we have so often expressed , thatXiberty for Liberty's sake is anarchy , disease , wie
dissolution ; he sees that Democracy kas only strengtn as a protest jn name of the Many against the government of the Few , a protest against Monarchy and Aristocracy ; he sees that it is necessary as a revolutionary phasis , but incompetent as a constructive doctrine . " Democracy is not so much , a new form of political life as a dissolution or disorganization of the old forms . It is simply a resolution of government into the hands of the people , a taking down of that which has before existed , and a re-commitment of it to its original sources , but is by no means the substitution of anything else in its place . " In a word , he sees that the final solution of the social problem cannot possibly be apolitical one .
It must not be inferred that he is insensible to the great part played by democracy , but " The positive or constructive results , then , which I anticipate from Democracy are of a moral or social character , rather than political . The benefits which it heralds for humanity , will lie not in the increased external splendour of a nation , but in the increase of just , amicable , and humane relations amongst all its members . In short , I look upon Democracy as heralding the moral perfection of man , as inaugurating the existence of perfectly just relations between man and man , and as consequently preparing the way for the reign of infinite love . will bthe
" This hope or confidence in Democracy is justified , you perceive , y fundamental meaning of the word . For Democracy means nothing more than the self-government of the people . Now , a capacity of self-government supposes in its subject a wisdom proportioned to his needs , and Democracy , therefore , implicitly attributes such wisdom to humanity . It supposes that men are capable of so , adjusting their relations to each other , as that they will need no police or external force to control them , but will spontaneously do the right thing in all places and at all times . Thus Democracy really does contemplate a time when all coercion and restraint shall be disused in the conduct of human affairs , and when , consequently , every man will freely do unto others aa he would have others do unto him . " And further on :-
—" T am entirely persuaded that nothing but the persistent and ever enlarging operation of the Democratic principle , or what is the same thing , the destructive legislation now in progress , is requisite to inaugurate the divine life on earth , to bring about that great prophetic period to which all history from the beginning has tended , that everlasting Sabbath or rest which is to close in and glorify the brief but toilsome week of man ' s past experience . I have not the least hope in any constructive legislation towards this end . He who is familiar with the exquisite symbolism of the old Hebrew faith , knows with what formal sedulity every particular of the divine worship was prescribed , and how jealously every addition of human wisdom was barred and punished . This is but a type of the independence our true and God-given life bears to all legislation , to all outward prescription . Ifc inward
is a life which descends from God out of heaven , the heaven of man ' s spirit . All its laws are summed up in the real presence of God in every individual soul . And as in Solomon ' s Temple , « every stone was made ready before it was brought there , so that there was no sound of hammer nor of axe heard in the house while it was building : ' so is it with this new life of man which is even now dawning upon the earth . It will reject all noisy legislation or prescription . It will deny all outward authority . Being an inward life , flowing exclusively from within the subject , all it asks of the outward is to serve or obey it , by immediately ceasing to restrain or govern its outflow . Let this life finally become authenticated by society or the legislative power , it will soon shape the outward into the closest conformity with itself , making it teem with the affluent satisfaction of every human want . "
That his thoughts point in the direction of No Government , whither Proudhon , Herbert Spencer , and others also tend , will startle only those unaccustomed to modern speculations . Everywhere the Police becomes less and less a faith with thinking men ; and tho necessity for " strong gpvernment" in the baser physical sense gets less recognition . " The current scepticism in regard to the tendencies of human nature , proceeds upon the fallacy that a man ' s true wealth , the wealth ho covets or prizes , is external to himself , consisting in the abundance of tho things he possesses . The sceptic says that if you leave men free from police restraint , however well you may educate them , there will be no security for property . Of course then he believes that man values these outward posseswions which we call property , above aljl things . There is no sheerer fallacy current than this . Eor the undue value men set upon this sort of possession now , grows out of its scarcity , grows out of the fact that so many
are utterly destitute of it . " Hero wo have a bridge thrown across , whereon wo may ontor tho field of speculation opened by his second lecture on Property as a Symbol . A philosophic socialist , ho docs not rail at property , but sees in it a significant fact . It is tho symbol of man ' s power over Nature—tho trophy of his conquest . Ilcnco tho respect ifc moots with . " Every one knows tho domineering nature of the sentiment of personal property . Even those who have never owned an acre or a dollar unclaimed by their physical necessities , confesa tho truth by their aspiration * aa much us their moro lucky fellows do by their experience . And we all alike equally confisM it by tho involuntary homage wo pay to rich men . 1 admit that 1 have Itvim taught a great deal
better . I admit that I should bo very much a « ban ) e < l to lx > caught toadying » rich man , and that I could say things on the lm * Jiie * f of »««•» conduct which would really nth ? your blood . Hut all this ia dramatic . 1 mil acting a . part , the part aungncd mo by public opinion . F <» r in- private I f «« l an instinctive respect for property . It does in Home mysteriouH but infallible- way embalm the poster , so that while my theory bids me defy him . I never come into I iib presence but with 'bated breath , and ditter from him with pninft . 1 reluctance . 1 ho treachery is univeraul . I have heard sermon * on this subject which left no doubt on my mind tf utt the preacher had completely conquered hi * »« tuml weakmwa : but no , you have only to obaorvo Jii « daily intercom ™ with hja llwk to diacovcr thut it waa tho xnout
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n * n ios are not the legislators , but the iudges and police of lrterature . They do not Critics ^! £ e ° law 3 __ tSey interpret and try to enforce th . eva ..-Edinb « rgh Semew .
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It will he p leasant news to our readers to hear that Macaulay has finished two more volumes of his History , which maybe expected early next season . A more restricted circle will also he glad to hear that Gbbvinus is busy with a new work , the History of the South American Republics .
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AtrePST 14 , 1852 . ] THE READER . 781
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 14, 1852, page 781, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1947/page/17/
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