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came the prime obj ect ' . with . the combatants . On the one side we see a want of sincerity , on the other a want of close logical reasoning ; on both sides much trifling . Lord Derby entered office as a Protectionist , though not avowedly in that capacity . The general election has gone against the essential doctrine of his party , and he is obliged to confess as much . But instead of recording his confession in such manner as to satisfy the public that he does not mean to tamper with the national decision , he recorded it , through the
PARLIAMENT STANDS CONFESSED . To the public the result of the debate in the House of Commons , on Friday last , is different from the result to the actors in that conflict . The parties within the House seem to suppose that some very important state was in contest ; but the public outside looks in contempt upon a struggle over three forms for declaring the same thing—three papers which could have been shuffled in a hat without much , matter as to the choice ! There was , indeed , a contest under the surface of some greater moment than that , and it
be-Queen ' s speech , in a manner so evasive , as to imply a covert purpose of falsifying that decision . The object of the Free-traders was to supply the omitted judgment of the country in explicit terms ; and not as they professed , to expel the Government from office . Nevertheless , with a singular want of logical exactness , they included in their declaration of the national judgment for Free-trade , a censure upon those who had opposed the repeal of the Corn-Laws . By doing so they not only stipplied Ministers with a pretext for resisting Mr . Villiers , which would not have been furnished by a more limited resolution , but they
suggested to an intermediate party the expediency of altering the terms so as to omit the censure . Lord Palmerston appeared as that intermediator , and proposed the resolution in a form originally drawn up by Sir . Tames Graham ; and Mr . "Villiers's resolution having boon rejected by a majority of the House , Lord Palmerstori ' s version was carried by a much larger majority . The Freetraders , therefore , have- carried their essential point , all hough they failed in the , second and non-essential point . Ministers have . succeeded in rebuffing the censure , although they have been made to swallow the full confession .
But when wo pass through this mere description of the debate to a consideration of its conduet , wo an ; struck with 1 Jit ; universal triviality . Ministers , who pretend to confess the judgment of the nation , arc now seen , in the person of Lord Derby , shrinking from that confession . For in the House of Lords , where lie supposes hiiiiselfto have more power of react ion , the Prime Minister refuses to echo the declaration in which bis colleagues have concurred in the Lower House . In other words , Lord I ) erby will not endorse ( he declaration in Avhich his colleagues have concurred elsewhere . Ministers therefore
retract from the declaration of Mr . Disraeli ; tliey are content to male *; in the popular Mouse a dechiration which they recant when they have tin ; power , even within the week . This , we say , in shameful trifling . It is insincerity reduced to a rule of practice . When we pass to the other nide of the House , we arc not much consoled - We there nee the leaders , as they are called , unable to lead . It leaders , as they are called , unable to lead . It
was supposed that they had held council together , and determined upon a course ; but we find them not only at variance , but bickering amongst themselveH before the fare of the public . Mr . Cobden , the Free-trade leader , complains that he lias been excluded from the council . . Sir -lames Graham complains that another Liberal leader has stolen Iuh own particular resolution from liiin . Mr . Gladstone , who was ( supposed
to be one of the alliance , starts off on a separate course . Lord John IBussell first declares that perhaps he may vote with Lord Palmerston , which is a practical declaration that other Members might do the same without violating their liberal allegiance , and then he votes in the minority with Mr . Yilliers . Mr . Villiers , used by all parties , in some degree , deceived by all , is left without his promised support . In the confusion , Lord John Russell , commander-in-chief of the Opposition , seemed to be quite forgotten , —as much lost as a little man in a crowd .
There is therefore no Liberal party , in any organized sense . There is on that side only an organized mutiny , with , a dozen of separate ringleaders , all contriving against each other . There is no man who will take the pains to bring his supporters together , and persuade them into a consentaneous action . There is not one Liberal leader who seems prepared to do justice to his subordinates and supporters , by raising a fixed standard , establishing a fixed line of conduct , or supplying a rallying point . It cannot be said that any of the leaders have honourable intentions , for they seem to have no intentions at all .
They are waiting to see what they themselves shall do , and are probably as amazed at the turn of their own conduct , as the public out of doors can be . Ministers " in power" accept the dictation of the Opposition . Lord John Russell , leader of the Opposition , is obliged to follow it ; and Lord Palmerston , " Master of the situation , " as the Times calls him , is without a party . While Lord Derby is preparing to make the House of Lords gainsay the House of Commons . Such is the practical illustration of Parliamentary Government with which our public men are supplying Lord Malmesbury , against the time when he shall import the Napoleonic policy into Westminster .
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AUGMENTATION OP THE FORCES . The increase of the national forces , which is announced by the Times , evidently on official authority , is satisfactory to our own feelings on many grounds . In the first place , it meets a great national necessity , respecting w hich we have felt much solicitude . In the next place , by recognising that necessity , it confirms on
authority that for which we have contended during some time past . We know that many of our readers have dissented from our view ; we believe that many who dissented formerly have nowarrived at an agreement with us , and wo further Relieve that this practical recognition of a policy wliich we urged long before it became the popular opinion , will satisfy many of our readers who have hitherto mistrusted our course on this
subject . In the third place , it must inevitably Wing over many organs of public opinion into working more in accordance with the facts of the day ; and it will in a great degree eonti-ibute to put the public at large on the alert , by showing that in the highest quarter , where opinion is supposed to be most accurate , and wlicre overt acts are postponed as long as possible , tlie necessity for a reinforcement is admitted and acted upon .
It is necessary that tlie forces of . " England should In ; . strengthened , because ( jjovernment by tlie Army has become more Hum ever the rule throughout the Continent , insomuch that the relation of one armed { State to another is now determined , to a great extent , by naked force , in lieu of tlie diplomacy Avhich previously concealed the latent force . Througliout the largest portion of the continent have ; the actual details of government been administered by soldiers or under the immediate nupport of the soldiery , In huoIi a
state of the most civilized part of tin ; world , it becomes necessary for . England , if she would maintain Jier position , to Jiave the mechanical means of ho maintaining it . It would be usoIohs for England to go on acting as if . Europe were ; in a . . state of disarmed repose . That . Europe in armed and ready for immediate contest in a fact . England mviHt accept that fact , and must frame her own proceedings in accordance with it . It is necessary , therefore , that we should have in this country an army considerably increased , a great artillery force , and a strong navy . The existence of mieh a force , already known as an ugly instrument in the domestic government , of tht » country , is attended with no small danger to the internal freedom of the people . A standing army is a standing nuisance , and it will not become a smaller nuisance by being increased in
numbers and efficiency . In the present augmen tation of the national forces , Parliament will have strengthened that instrument of arbitrary rule within our own frontiers ; and the stronger instrument will lie ready in the political treasury for the use of any Government which will hereafter revive the doctrines of our Tory days a future Castlereagh would find more potent instruments at his command than the Castlereagii who was the terror of our own earlier years We as much wish our own circle of readers to recognise that ugly fact , as we wish them to recognise the necessity for increasing the force for extra-national purposes .
Against that miscliievous use of a powerful army , there are two great safeguards , which have existed in our own country at other times which exist in our own day abroad , and which * we have taken steps to revive amongst ourselves One of these safeguards is that the physical power should not be reposed in the army alone . The larger the army at the command of the executive Government , the more necessary is it that the people at large should not be unaccustomed to the use of weapons , and that t he distinction between the military and the national bodies should be merged . This points to a deve - lopment of the militia , which we have already
i i -l i i > i » « . i established amongst us ; and it is with , great satisfaction we note a disposition at head quarters to accept strictures on that embryo force in the best spirit , to improve criticism by improving- the conditions of the force , and to accept it as a valuable auxiliary to the army . We are confident , for example , that the valuable remarks of a Prussian officer , extracts from which we quote amongst our news , by the medium of the Times , will be perused at head quarters , with the intention of deriving any suggestions which the practical observations may suggest . We have that confidence , because we have observed in the
whole bearing of the Government , with respect to the militia , a candid and practical spirit . Lord Derby appears to have discarded his old fears . Mr . Disraeli did not conceal the fact that he never entertained a mistrust ; and we will not forget , while he is under a cloud , that he was one of the first to point out the militia as a re-comof
mencement in training the body the people . Lord Hardinge , in the general order wliich we quoted last week , expressly associated the soldiers with the people ; and patriotically did he do so . General Sir Charles JN ~ apier , who wrote a pamphlet to show how a militia could be employed , as auxiliary to the regular army , has been appointed to the command of the militia of that district wliich confronts the Continent . All these are
tlie concurrent steps towards- the proper organization of the people in militia or volunteer corps . If a sufficient body of tlio people bo enrolled , with Commanders like General Napier , we may expect that a comparatively limited army , as ours still is , might well eke out its strength—that it would be able to do the worlt of much larger forces . At the same time , this substantial strengthening of the people will disarm many of the dangers that might be anticipated from an augmentation of the standing army ; and no patriotic statesman or oflicor , whatever may bo
his political doctrines , would desire to undermine the constitution of our country by Austrian conspiracy against its liberty , any more than ho would desire to facilitate the ' conspiracies of a demagogue . We have our differences of opinion : some of us would extend political privileges , while others would limit them ; but wo do not believe that any one of the- persons whom we have named , not even Lord Derby , would desire to strike the liberties of England in tho back , and to substitute either a French Directory or an Austrian Cabinet , in lieu of our own
constitutional ( iiovernment . If we did entertain any doubt on that subject , it , would he miggested by the proceedings ol [ official departments which are not military . When foY example we observe that a monody at the IVince . HB ' H Theatre on the iHLh of hist month , specially composed by Wostland Maraton to Duke of Wellington
honourtlio funeral of the , was curtailed " by authority ; " and when wo know that these curtailments consisted in anu-Hioiw to the people , allusions to arbitary » w « 1 >" poBod to constitutional Government , and allusions to victories of Wellington , even Waterloo , w < must entertain very serious doubts vvhet ; lior _ wliole of the Government at present in ofhco no ™ sharo in tho patriotic fboling which wo roco ^"
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There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dr . Aknoxd .
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. _ , SATURDAY , DECEMBER 4 , 1852 .
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t ¦ 1158 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 4, 1852, page 1158, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1963/page/10/
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