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league with savage tyrants against peoples . Thesej doubtless , are truisms ; but how deal with a Cardinal who talks to us as though these things were not known , or forgotten P If we refer to the condition of those countries which remained Catholic , as compared with the condition of the nations which adopted the Reformation , it is not for the purpose of endorsing the commonplace cant which would attribute the Bill of Bights and Free Trade to the prevalence in England of the Protestant religion , and which would connect the American Declaration of Independence with the circumstance that the subscribers were not
addicted to auricular confession . The Reformation was a political even more than a religious fact—the natpral development- among the advanced races of a society which was travelling beyond the control of juriestcraft ; and what England owes to the Reformation is merely the abolition of ecclesiastical government . Ecclesiastical government maintained its ground by selling itself to crowns , in Italy and in Spain ; and for the last ten or fifteen years , with one momentary interval , the distinct , sedulous , persevering policy of the Papacy has been to advance by siding everywhere with authority against
liberty . Against whom—as the keystone of the arch—is maddened Italy now rising ? Above and beyond all , against the Pope . A Whig Minister's only defence of an anti-catholic measure , twelve months ago , was that' Rome was in a conspiracy against mankind . And that this is so , induces us to take the opportunity of Cardinal Wiseman ' s lecture to call Roman Catholic Englishmen ' s attention to the moral of it . They are just" now very seriously compromised by permitting Dr . Wiseman in England , and Dr . Cullen in Ireland , to be accepted as their representatives . We believe we make no mistake about our Roman Catholic
fellow countrymen ; but there are enlightened Protestants who do not perceive that the Roman Catholic Church in Italy , and the Roman Catholic Church in England and Ireland , are essentially different , so far as the people , as distinguished from the priests , represent the Churches . Roman Catholics in England are , in the first place , Englishmen , and affected by the institutions and the political principles around them are politicians ,
liberal or otherwise , utterly irrespective of the polity of their church . In Ireland , as we have often pointed out , "the priests are only powerful when they contrive to agi'ee with their flocks , who blessed with all the motive powers of British civilization , think for themselves , and at the last general election returned an Irish fmrty devoted to principles of the broadest iberaliam . But this should not be a matter
of argument ; British Roman Catholics are called upon to separate themselves , by some tangible declaration or deed , from that Church of Rome which is tho parasite of despotism . The state of Italy generally—not to isolate the case of the Madiai—demands from the Roman Catholic community in those countries a remonstrance with , or a repudiation of , the Papacy , and of tho Papal delegates here . Wo know that the
majority of our fellow-citizens who remain in tho ancient faith ( we except the converts ) recognise no leadership in the Cullens and Wisemans . And it is strange that the Cullons and Wisemans will not hco this , and resign a futilo vindication and a hopeless struggle . Some mute , inglorious Nicolas Breakspear , in proparation at Oscotfc , may better appreciate tho spirit of his age , and attempt in 'England a revolution in the lioman Catholic Church . Tho
Papacy is breaking down because it has mistaken its policy . Were it to head the people , the peoplo would follow it ; and Roman Catholic experience- in England and Ireland — this we stato as an encouragement to tho Cardinaldemonstrates thai ; there- is not less piety because there ifl more liberty .
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THK DAY OF 11 KHT FOR THE WORK ING MAN . Tim two meetings of tho artisans of . London in favour of opening the Palace at Sydonhain on Sunday , have now been held ; ana the public protest of the industrious classes against present nablmth observances , as affecting innocent social recreations , has been at length fairly recorded , ¦—so far , with Hignal unanimity and success . Although the Hrat proceedings at St . Martin ' s I rail had tho advantage of being directed by Mr . Henry Mayhew , and of being opened by him in
a speech displaying marked ability and research , we nevertheless consider that the second meeting at Brury Lane Theatre was the more important gathering of the two . It afforded wider scope for the declaration of opinion by the artisans themselves , and thus prodiiped addresses distinguished by that downright common-sense and those uncompromising expressions of popular feeling as it really exists , which , on such a subject as Sunday Reform , are of greater value than any refinements of oratory or learning , in the present position of the question . In this place , however , our business is less with the speeches delivered at the meeting than with the purpose which the meeting itself was
convened to forward . Noticing , therefore , only generally the ability displayed by Mr . Prideaux in discharging the duties of Chairman ; the practical truth and good sense in many of the arguments adduced by Mr . Webster , Mr . Baines , and Mr . Edwards ; and the excellent spirit displayed in the remarks of Mr . W . JN ^ ewton , we refer the reader to our report , in another part of these columns , for the details of tho speeches on " Wednesday night last , and proceed at once to inquire , whether the meetmg of the working-men be likely to prove of real advantage to the great and good cause of opening the Sydenliam Palace on Sunday P
We think this question may be answered unhesitatingly in the affirmative . Apart from the merits of the speeches , the meeting itself , looked at merely in the light of a numerous assemblage , has enabled the industrious classes to know and to vindicate publicly their own unanimity of thought and purpose on the Sunday question . This alone is a great advantage and a great encouragement . The example that has now been set ; the principles that have been affirmed at the meeting , and re-affirmed by a deputation before the Home Secretary , hold out a warning to all
enemies and an earnest of future success to all friends . In the meantime , we would earnestly entreat those who advocate the project now under consideration , never to lose sight of the importance of keeping the subject—whether discussed in public or private—strictly within useful and proper limits . The strength of our arguments lies almost as much in their simplicity as in their truth . Let us not be led away into theological wrangling about the interpretation of words and texts ; into abstract speculation about the
value of different precedents ; into useless and impossible comparisons between our own social customs and the social customs of foreign countries . All talking or writing in this direction is waste of time , and worse . We have a present and pressing necessity at oui * own doors ; and on that necessity , and that only , we take- our stand . The existing system of Sabbath prohibitions has failed to secure any other than mere outward Sabbath observances . We have opened all our places of devotion , and shut up all our places of
recreation ( one or two guilty places alone exceptcd ) , on the Sunday . Have we succeeded in making that large poorer order of our brethren , at whom our prohibitions have been speciall y levelled , spend the Sunday , as a holy day , religiously—as a leisure day , usefully ? We have not . Every clergyman , in every city and town in this country , lend" W 8 it , when he gets up into his pulpit and sees of what classes of people his congregation in composed . Where are tho poor in our churches ? How many fustian jackets do we seo in o \ ir Free Seats , hero in London , for
instance V What has become of that largo claBS which forms the majority everywhere else , but dwindles to the miserable minority in church P Any man may discover this who walks round any poor neighbourhood during the hours of service ; and , let him think ever ho little on what ho sees , ho will come away saddened by tho discovery . Who is now the great Sunday teacher of the artisan ? If we apply to the clergyman wo shall not find out ; but if we apply to the proprietor of tho clump Sunday newspaper , wo shall soon know . Such miserable evidences nn those of the
failure of a nnaemblo system , are visible everywhere to everybody—there is no denying them . But in Micro no remedying them P That is exactly what we want to try . Wo do not want to know how the Jews spent their Sunday ; how the people in tho middle ages spoilt their ( Sunday ; or how foreigners now spend their Sunday in I ' ranee or ( Jennany . Wo do not want to go back ( o ancient precedents , or to look abroad for modern examples . Wo hoc that an "existing
system has produced degrading and irreligious consequences ; and for the sake of humanity , for the sake 6 f our duty to our neighbour , we desire practically and thoroughly to reform it , as good citizens and Christian men . -in Is our proposed reform perilous and had P Our adversaries say it is . Have they any reform to suggest instead of itP No . Out of all the sermons , speeches , letters , and petitions , in favour of present Sabbath observances , how much can be extracted that is practical and comprehensible in th of l for future Sabbath
e way proposa reformation ? Have not our opponents confined themselves simply to opposition—to trying to crush our project ; having nothing of their own to set up on the ruin of it , if they succeed p The selfish character of the whole agitation against the opening of the Sydenham Palace on Sunday creeps out in this direction . Reverend gentlemen ( like the clergy at the Sion College meeting ) are unwilling to let others even try to succeed , where they have failed . Reverend gentlemen , with some admirable exceptions , ( unhappily
representing the least powerful influences in clerical councils , ) will not see that the project we advocate gives the Church yet another opportunity —perhaps the last—of regaining the lost affections of the people by identifying itself with the spirit of popular progress . Reverend gentlemen shrink from wise conciliation ; cling to useless prohibition ; and think they can call back the lost sheep to the fold by crying , " Fie upon all Sunday reform that comes from , other pulpits and other platforms than ours !"
What answer shall vre make to Rev . erend gentlemen ? Simply this : —We would fain have ad you with us ; we would fain have seen you ready to join this movement of ours , for the sake of turning it , as you mig ht have turned it , to the advantage of the religion which you are appointed to teach—but you have chosen to denounce and oppose us ; and we have now no alternative but to tell you that neither denunciation nor opposition shall induce us to abate one jot in our perseverance until our cause has
triumphed , let that triumph be ever so difficult and ever so far off . We believe that all of your poorer brethren whom you cannot get to go to church , must be taught how to occupy their leisure day innocently and usefully somewhere else , as a means of preventing much present evil , and producing much future good . We believe that such occupation as we design affording to the
working classes—however gradually its influences may anect them at first — can have no other ultimate tendency than to elevate their minds , to quicken their sympathies , to cleanse their hearts ; and , therefore , to make them better fitted than they are now to receive such teaching and advice as may ultimately induce them to attend to their spiritual concerns . We believe that tho state of the artisan's mind wants as
much refreshing and improving on a Sunday as the state of his body ; and wo think this sort of mental improvement may bo better achieved by opening such a place to him as the Palace at Sydenham , than by leaving him to lounge about Primrose Hill , to he asleep in tho Park , to smoko in tea-gardens , and to drink in tap-rooms . We have already told you what the social necessity is which urges us to work for our present purpose . If you next want our religious authority for seekintr it , avo refer you to tho text-book of
Christianity—to the words and examp le of Jesus Christ , as set down in the New Testament . By this authority we are willing to bo judged—by that necessity certain to be . justified . Wo are firmly persuaded that wo now labour for a result which is as righteous us it is important ; and , while those are our convictions , wo working-men—whether wo work with our brains or our liands—will not rest , say or do what you please , until our own system of Sunday observance is allowed its trial aa well as yours .
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THE CONFESSIONAL OF THE CARDINAL . T iih existence of tho Roman Catholic Literary Society at Leeds , testifying that " tho diffusion of sound knowledge" ia necessary " to raise the character of tho peoplo and advance their true social welfare , " is a greater fact than tho Jesuitical lecture delivered by Cardinul Wiseman . Tho lecture , which undertook to prove " that scienco hns nowhere flourished more , or originated more , HubJinio and useful discoveries than when it has been pursued under tho uiiluencu of fcho Catholic religion / ' has boon tho subject of sarcasm and .
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158 THE LEADS Rf jftAMTftW _
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 12, 1853, page 158, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1973/page/14/
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