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daily from an intermittent fever , attended by severe pain in the head , and with some serious local derangement of the circulation , insomuch that , if fears for his life have now abated , fears for his sanity begin to be hinted . The assassin has not only been put to death , but before death was subjected to a peculiar species of torture . He was not only flogged in the military fashion twice , but was examined , every hour , a
method of torture which involved a constant awakening , and which might have driven many men insane withinashortertime . Nothing , however , wasextorted from him in the way of disclosures . The combat between the Emperor and the assassin , which really has been going on throughout—the whole career of the young potentate being a challenge and defiance of the assassin—has not ended yet ; and it is not clear which side has conquered .
In Milan , Radetzky has extended his rigours , by sequestrating all the property of all persons out of the country who cannot disprove their connexion with the movement of the 6 th of February , a retribution which is an outrage on international law . The old Marshal is doing the best he can to convince the Italians that their only hope lies in a successful movement to drive forth " the Stranger . "
He is counteracting the patriot ' s mistake of the 6 th , and the inconvenience which may be caused by a discrepancy between the impressions of Mazzini . and Kossuth . " With respect to the proclamation bearing the signature of the latter , Kossuth denied it , and Mazzini , writing from a distance , without access to the full statements in the English papers , appears to us to put a wider interpretation upon Kossuth ' s repudiation than we ourselves assigned to it . * Kossuth repudiated his share in the movement of the 6 th , and if we understand rightly , that movement was not exactly in accordance with the directions of Mazzini
himself , although , with his usual nobleness of bearing , he does not repudiate the responsibility of impetuous men who sought their own death as a price for the freedom of their country . We have no doubt that this slight difference of meaning and impression will pass away j for in its essentials the cause of Italy and that of Hungary are identical .
From the more distant parts of the world , we have principally reports in continuation . At the Cape , General Cathcart , while inflicting a somewhat abrupt castigation upon Moshesh , after Homeric parleys with that wily Chief , sustained a very severe loss : a proper lesson to our Government , that it is wasteful to wage regular warfare
with border thieves , who might be left to the vigorous hands of the colonists themselves , if those hands were only free . In Ava , a revolution , deposing the king and setting up another in his place , has suspended hostilities against our forces . In Australia , the Diggers , who are the lords of that purse so many acres in extent , have received new marks of attention from Governor Latrobe ,
who has set out on a tour of inspection , to see how he can satisfy their demands for better police regulations . From the United States , we have reports that the British Government has proposed to surrender Mosquitia , on condition that Greytown be guaranteed as an independent city , like the Hanse towns , secured against intervention . It is not at all probable that the Americans ,
who arc practically settled in Nicaragua , will consent to forego their intention to Texas Mosquitia ; and , even if the expiring administration at Washington were inclined to entertain the project , we must remember that the executive of President Fillmore was superseded yesterday by the Government of General Pierce ; who entered the militia on purpose to serve in those Mexican conquests , where he led so effectively .
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THE WEES rf jPAjaJAMENT . The Parliamentary proceedings of the week opened with a smart skirmish , in the House of Lords on the CANADA CLERGY EESEEVES . £ ord De ^ by presented several petitions from members of the Church of Scotland in Canada against the Government bill . In the prefatory remarks to his speech he rather intitoated that the petitions would have been given to the Duke of Argyll , to whose exertions it was owing that a bill was not brought forward in 1851 , only the Duke was now a Minister . The course of the debate was purely historical , and the speakers did not once enter , as indeed they could not , upon the merits of the Government measure . Lord Derby gave a masterly essay on the history of the
question , and attempted to show that the one-seventh of the land was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the Canadian Parliament entirely by the royal proclamation of 1775 and the Act of 1791 . He did more ; he endeavoured to make it appear that the existence of the reserved lands had twice , in 1791 and in 1840 , when constitutions were given to Canada , been made a " condition" of the grant of th ' ose constitutions . He also argued that the settlement of 1840 was final , and was looked upon as final by the Whig statesmen who passed that measure . Moreover , he grew eloquent in pointing
out the danger of disturbing that settlement , the feuds of race and creed it would evoke , the discord and contention over the fund that it would occasion . He exclaimed , better let Canada be independent of Parliament and the Crown , but tied to us only as Hanover formerly was tied , than that the mockery of Imperial control should be exercised as it is now . But so long as Canada is a province , let the British . Minister protect the rights of property vested in British subjects , and not sanction any interference with , those rights on the ground that we have no control over the internal affairs of Canada .
The Duke of Abgtii replied to the arguments of Lord Derby by quoting the Act of 1791 , which admitted of modifications of the ' reserves from time to time ; and by quoting a despatch of the late Colonial Secretary , in which it was admitted that a re-distribution of the fund , a re-apportionment of it among the various sects might , from emigration and other causes , be desirable . He held likewise that the power of control was vested in the Imperial Parliament , not for the purpose of enabling it to decide upon what is right for the internal interests of Canada , but whether Canadian legislation runs counter to" Imperial interests . And in this view of the subject he was ably sustained by the Bishop of Oxfobd , who , relying on the bare claim of the
Canadians to the management of their internal affairs , conceded by the Imperial Parliament when the constitution was granted , when a responsible Ministry was permitted , and the colonial revenue given over to colonial control , accumulated proof on proof that the reserves were intended to be within the jurisdiction of the Legislature ; and that having conceded a constitution in 1840 , our interference should have ended there . He also finely ridiculed tho idea that the Act of 1840 was a final settlement , by panting to the preaching of " finality" in Reform and its results in the promise of a New Reform Bill . Whatever might be the risk to the Church or to tho colony , ho said , let the power of self-government be carried out , Fiat justitia , ruat
ccelum . " Wo could not hope , " ho oxclaimod , at tho close of his speech , " that our Church would flourish if she wore rogarded in tho colony as nothing more than that which against tho will of tho colonists was supported in certain exclusive privileges by ft majority in Parliament . II " said , and ho said it solemnly , that ho bohoved our colonial Church had a great work to do in this world . Ho bpliovodthnt with tho spread of our nation , of our language , of our institutions , and of our blood , wo had the chargo from God of carrying ; tho purest form of His rovealed Church throughout tho wliolo world . Ho believed , ahovo member of that
all things , that it was essential to him as a Church that he should do what in him lay to free her from any fetter which could iinpedn her spiritual action and disablo her from her high enterprise . Ho believed from oxporionee , as ho believed from thoory , that to represent to our colonies tho Church an nn endowed section , maintained from tho mother country in hostility to their own feelings , was , of all ways , tho most certain to deprive her of her utility . Ho believed it was «» tablished as a matter of demonstration to any fair man , that nothing could bo so fatal to tho Church and to tho colonies as that nort of treatment at home . Ho boliovod they would find , that ho United States
long as tho Church in what was now tho was taught to depond upon the support which it received from the Parliament at homo , bo long it was weak spiritually , and distrusted by tho population . Hut , bo soon aa it was sot free , it began to regain its vigour . There were continued attempts to upsot those endowments so long as they depended , not upon the affections of tho people , but upon tho British Parlianlont . Hut when those States wore sot free thoy did preserve—to their honour bo it spoken—those endowments . Ho flaw no reason whatovor to doubt ( if tho minds of tho pooplo of Canada were not already too much alienated by our legislation ) that thoy
would follow the wfise pf ft » p le which had been set by tho people of the UnitpcJ Stated and that , having received a just 'povrar , tfrey Would deal with it righteously and wisely . " ¦ ' The Bishops of E ^ bteb and London spoke very briefly in opposition to the Bill . They did not attempt to argue the question ; but simply maintained that the reserves were sacred , and set apart exclusively for the clergy of the Church of England . The Bishop of | Jxeter , however , gofc into hot water . The Duke of Argyll ha 4 8 aid , that no doubt if Lord Derby ' s Government had attempted a redistribution , the Bishop of Exeter would have called it " sacrilege ; " and the
Bishop of Oxford , in his speech , rather roundly asserted that the Bishop of Exeter was an active assentor to the Act of 1840 . Whereupon , in two separate speeches , the Bishop of Exeter corrected these mistakes . He told the Duke of Argyll that he should not call a redistribution sacrilege , although he would not agree to it ; but he flatly said to the Bishop of Oxford that lie had asserted what was " not true . " The Bishop of Oxford , all a bishop ' s meekness and a churchman ' s humility being allowed for , asked whether it would not be better that such phrases should not be bandied about . a .
Finally , the debate became one of explanations , in which everybody was misconceived by everybody else , and nobody would take an explanation from anybody . The subject was again handled , this time by the House of Commons , on the second reading of the Bill , last night . Sir John Pakington led the Opposition in moving as an amendment that the Bill be read a second time that day six months . " He dwelt on the admission which he said hat ! beeu made by the Colonial Under-Secretary in his speech on its introduction , that this was a measure calculated to shake public confidence in all religious endowments . He
declared that he would rather forego for ever the honour of bearing a part in the Government of this great country than share in the introduction of a measure -winch , required in its defence such expressions as had been used by its defenders . He was ready to assent to any measure which should have the effect of guarding the disposal of property for religious purposes , and respecting the rights of the Church of England . The broad principle at issue on this occasion was that of religious endowment or secularization . He had no hope of the measure being amended in committee , and had therefore no alternative but to resist it on the second reading . The property which the bill affected had been appropriated
by a succession of Sovereigns and Parliaments to the support of the Protestant religion in Canada , and to providing for the worship of God in that country according to the Protestant form . This appropriation was ultimately confirmed , not made , by the Act of 1840 , and it was not open to the Government or Parliament now to depart from the appropriation so made without breach of the national faith , and ho was afraid he might go so far aa to say , 'without national sin . It was said that this was only a bill for transferring the power of dealing with this property to the local legislature , and therefore plearly a bill which , consistently with their obligations , tho House were at liberty to pass . Ho contended that thero was
no ground , for thia supposition , and that any confidence which might be felt that the Canadian legislature would deal honestly with this property would not form the slightest excuso for a desertion of duty by the Parliament of England , which would nevertheless bo guilty of a breach of trust . Ho proceeded to vindicate at considerable length tho despatch which ho had written to Canada in Juno last , when holding tho oilico of Colonial Secretarj' , from which he would not recede in tho least ; . Ho then traced tho history of the subject from the conquest of Canada to tho present time . As regarded tho right of colonial self-government and selfcontrol , ho nijiintained that no Government had shown greater respect for this principle than that of Lord Derby , and oxiimiiuxl tho acts of recent Governments in their
relations with tho colonies . Ho contended that the lands in Canada thus set apart for purposes of religion woro strictly Crown reserves , with which tho Canadian legislature could claim no right of dealing . It was his conviction that such a religious endowment as that of tho Canadian provinces would have boon respected had they been annexed to tho United States—a consideration of tho gravest kind for tho Imperial Parliament of Groat Britain —and ho referred to various authorities in proof of this view . He asked if it were wiwo to wound tho feelings of tho loyal population of Canada in their tonderest point , by iiHsuilinir tho reli g ion to which they were attached , and to which tiio Imperial Legislature had solemnly pledged its guarantee ; and concluded by saying that hololt bound under tho most sacred obligations to resist to tho utmost this an an unrighteous measure .
Sir Wiiymam : Moms worth at once took up tho gauntlet in defence of the ( lovermnent , entering at much length into tho legal and other details of the question , and the relations subsisting' between religioun 8 octn and parties in tho colony . Thero wiib a great preponderance of Protestant members in the Caimdiun House of Assembly , ho that it wan ovidently impoHHiblo for any measure to which the 1 ' rotentnntB as a body wore opposed to pass in tho local legislature . II o felt couvinced that if tho right honourable baronet had continued in office , and boon able to persuade Parliament to ndopt . hin views ' on the subject of the clergy reserves in Canada , tho colonial empire of Britain in North America would have crumbled into dust . Tho policy
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* This was written before KosBUth ' s letter appeared in TYiilny ' B Dail y JV # t »«; a fact which we montion , ainco Bomo of our friends may be glad to note that our opinion wau ibrmwl on tho facts , and not suggested by tho Hungarian loader or his followari .
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218 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 5, 1853, page 218, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1976/page/2/
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