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been beaten in public with rods . Now , if the Italians submitted in quiet to treatment like this , would the countrymen of Hatnp den respect them ? It it were our own case , would tfOt the Country * men of Hampden continue to arise ttgainst their alien tyrant ? . Great interest centres chiefly in Turkey , whiclf is now openly menaced with partition * A memoir in the Augsburg Gazette divulges the plan , Hvhich half
is to give to Austria , Salonica and the Western , and to Russia , Constantinople and the Eastern , the latter getting the lion ' s share . This would enable the Cossack to water his horses in the Adriatic ; so that he is gradually coming towards the Thames by easy marches : that is , if Europe should permit Russia to take Constantinople . It is intimated in Paris that Europe will not permit the question to be settled without a general concurrence ; but we may remark , that while the
moderating influences of Europe at present remain perfectly passive , the aggressive princip le remains in constant activity with the Absolutists ; and we are not to expect that Austria and Russia will desist from their purpose , because it may displease England ; who never enforces her own opinion . What have they to fear from a country which all but avows that it will suffer anything rather than go to war ? The threat of war paralyses England ; hence it is the threat which Austria and Russia are
both able and willing to make as often as they please . This short half of the month has been extremely fruitful in Railway "Accidents , " which are becoming an institution . " As the Times observes , February closed with a frightful Ealing accident , which happened to an express train with a carriage full of Directors . On Wednesday , the second of March , on the Newcastle and Tynemouth line , the engine and tender leaped off an embankment , and the engine-driver was killed , the stoker mangled , and
several passengers hurt . On Friday , the 4 th of March , at Mersthem , on the South Eastern line , a goods train ran into a ballast train standing on th © line , and nine persons were seriously hurt . On the same day a train ran off the Manchester and Bolton line , four persons killed . On Wednesday , March the 9 th , in a factory of the North Western Company , a boiler burst ; five persons killed and many hurt . On the Wednesday , March 9 th , at Mangotsfield , on the Bristol and Birmingham branch of the Midland line , an engine broke
down , the train stopped , a return engine ran into it , two persons killed and several injured . On the South Wales Railway , a luggage-train and a passenger-train met , and the passengers escaped with life at the expense of severe hurts . Yet when Ministers are asked in Parliament whether they intend to take any steps for bringing responsibility home to the Managers of Railways , they express the fear that " Government intervention might diminish the sense of responsibility" which these Managers feel ! How can that be possible ?
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THE WEEK IN PARLIAMENT . NthmEn House has been very animated thin week > cither iw regards the subject of its discussion or the mode of treating them . Tlio only apparent exception was lost night ' s debate on the second reading of the JEWISH EMANCIPATION DILL . Sir FitEDKUiOK TinoHiOKJt , who moved that the hill he read n second time that , diiy nix months , attempted to impart Home novelty into tlio debate by raking up history to show that there were no Jovvh in England when the words " on the truo faith of a Christian " were introduced . Ho also argued that the . lews havo a right to civil but not to political rights ; and ho vamped up the worn-out argument that the admission of . lows would unchristianizo the nation . Hero a hccho arose . 11 o . saw no reason why they uliould admit a . Tow an dux-/ ~' ~ v ~ * * Ui ° < loia <; - Nny , why Hliould they Htop nhorfc of deintH p X . f O ~ " ¦¦ tfdWLoro wan a pormni who wan wretched enough to bo tlio ' - ^ ' - ^ ' ^ - ^ WJlt'A thought in his heart tliero is no Clod , ho might y ^ yC ^ l _/ fa i ; - \* ty 1 l ^ JIH do away with all forma ; lot uh mak e the entrance ** J ^ < j >\ ' ^ & % Z *™ " wnoolh to all religions ; let uh declare that £ .. 1 ¦ " :. '' J . VV ' tJH ! ^ 5 !*^ t ° * lior Majesty is entitled to his civil righto . If . V—> * ; - ^ vi JPj f ) Wf ?¦ ho MiniHtorial benches . ) Then ho undor-* ' V " ? 1 ~ iZ ~~ ' fci 22 -Si * lftt oucor that they wore not to nhut the door fiT- , K F- '• R % ^ r ^ lS >" tfWovOT wm hid crood-Kchooni )—tbAfc i ^ « j 5 ( *
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they were to admit peifcms of all 1-eliffIons , and of no religion at all . ( Continued Cheers . ) Well , that furnished him with an additional ttittson for opposing to the utmost oi his power ( loud cheers from the Opposition ) this attempt tti begin a court ** of mischief which he foresaw would pe fatal tn its cbtisequenfcea , and to prevent , if possible , tne admission of the Jews . ( Cheers . ) After Lord GeahaM had seconded the amendment , Mr . B . OsbOBNE pitted those honourable members who resisted this motion by such miserable arguments as It
might have beeti used in the thirteenth century . was pretended that the admission of Jews to the Legislature would unchristianize it , but , if so , the whole country must have been unchristianized long ago by their admission to muuicipal offices . He regarded this assertion in a country of religious libertyN as an insult to common sense . He considered that the question ought to be discussed , not on religious but political grounds . Take care that in trying to exclude the Jews you did not debar Christians from exercising their just rights as electors .
He thought they oug ht at once to simplify these oaths ; they ought to carry out the recommendations of the commission which sat m 1845 on relig ious disabilities , and not to seek to sp lit up the House into theological brigades . ( Loud cheers . ) The noble lord , the member for Grantham , seemed horrified at the idea of a Jewish brigade ; but . this was not the way to avoid it . He held that allegiance to the Queen , and the interests of their common country * should be their ruling principle , and that the House should casuistical sections
not be split up into theological or . If they were Christians , they were bound to do as they would be done by ; and when the honourable member for Stamford quoted Hollingsworth and other obscure writers , he would take the liberty to quote Bishop Newton , who said , " it is more fitting to strive to be the dispensers of the mercies of heaven , rather than the executioners of the cruelty of man . " ( Cheers . ) Mr . Henby DETTMMOino used a singular argument .
He was told that every man had a right to worship Ood as he pleased ; hut he denied it point blank . ( Laughter . ) That assertion generally came from gentlemen who were called Bible Christians ; but he should like to know in what part of the Bible they read that man was sent into the world to worship God in any way he liked . He thought from his small knowledge of the Scriptures that the way to worship God was most accurately prescribed and defined there ; and how , then , durst any one worship Him in any way but that one way ? Moreover , he found his what
that the first gentleman who took own way was might be called a sort of independent or free church gentleman—and that was Cain . ( Laughter . ) It had been observed that the time was when Europe was bound together in one system , with Rome as the centre and faith as the talisman . Europe was still bound together ; but now the centre was the Stock Exchange of London , and the talisman that bound it was not " credo , " but " credit . " ( Laughter . ) It was from the predominance of this feeling that a Jew had been returned by the rabble of London , partly out of contempt for that house , and partly to give a slap m the face to Christianity . ( Laughter . )
Then came Mr . Edwaed Bali , in support of the Bill , and Lord A . Vane against it , followed by Mr . Sidney Hebbeht . He regarded the return of Baron Rothschild on three different occasions for the city of London as the best proof that public opinion was decidedl y in favour of admitting Jews to Parliament . With respect to nationality , what was the Jew in effect but an Englishman ? If there were anything in this argument , why admit converted Jews as they did P The small number of Jews formed an additional reason for considering their claims in a generous spirit . Ho took his stand on tho broad principle that no Britishborn subject should be excluded from Parliament on the ground of his religious faith .
I should lament if any gentleman in this 1 louse , from such a principlo as that , chose to Bet himsolf up as a systematic persecutor of tho Jews . I know many gontlomen object to tho word " persecution" being used in consequence of tho rofuflal of political right , and it is auid to bo an exaggeration of tho term ; but it in not , beeauso you persecute , though in a different manner ^ from that formerly adopted . I believe there in a more enlightened spirit abroad ; but , at the same time , I cannot conceal from mjHolf the fact that , owing to changed manners and a certain HqueamiHhnosa on thiH point , we are obliged to substitute political disabilities for burningH , and ho on —( Oil , oh , oh , from the Opposition , and hear , hoar , hear , from tho Ministerial have substituted cautious and
bonchcH)—just as we a more Ichs destructive method of resenting an insult than our forefathers did who ran n man through tho body because he took tho wall of him , or shot him with a pistol . The House got very impatient while Mr . JIknmiy delivered a weak Hpeech ; and ho whh followed by Lord John llvtifUMT , . who alluded t o a charge ngaimt himself that he had introduced this measure purely to gratify his own constituent , which ho showed to bo groundless—hi « interest in the question being of old standing . Ho could nee no difference in principlo between the exclude ™ of the Jewn and the powocutora
of the Mndiai . , "This is undoubtedl y ¦ - as the right lion , gentleman who Hpoko 1-iHt Hnid--thiH in a qiuwtion of principle . 1 admit that there in a principle in opposition to thin measure , but it is u principle which , for my own . part , 1 cannot distmguiHh from tho principle of nrfiffiouH rn - cution . Weir then , 1 Bay , hero are two principles opposed to each other ; and honourable gentlemen imwt take tueir
stand upon eithe * the Olid or the other . If they take their stand Upon t % & one pr inciple , it is the principle upon which all peftecuttoa has been justified , upon which all penalties have Wh imposed , and which has led to the dreaSful scenes of Civil war , of dissention , and of desolation , which have been witnessed from the earliest history of the world up to recent times . The other principle is the principle which has gradually grown as civilization has extended , which tends to peace , which tends to make men love one another , which induces them to . live harmoniously in their families , which induces them to live in concord with the State , which lettves every man in the
possession and independent exercise of his own religious convictions ; and which thereby removing all penalties , removing all disabilities , removing all punishment from the profession of faith , does , I believe , conduce more than the severest inflictions , more than the fire and the rack , more than the most solemn oa ths and declarations , to the diffusion of just opinion , and to the prevalence and supremacy of truth . ( Cheers . ) It is because I glory in those opinions—it is because I am not indifferent to the triumphs of Christianity , but because I believe that it will triumph in the greatest liberty and amidst the diversity of opinions ; -it is upon these grounds that I hope that that triumph will be aided by the removal of the last of those disabilities . ( Cheers . )" After some further discussion , the House divided .
The numbers were—For the second reading . . . . 263 Against it . ... .... 212 Majority in favour . . 5 l The bill was then read a second time . The Earl of Cbakcabty devoted Monday evening to the performance of a duty not altogether unusual on the part of his Lordship , and perfectly harmless on the part of the public who have to suffer it . It is also our duty to narrate the scene in the Upper House , which we shall do with all convenient brevity and respect for the reader ' s patience . He will find one or two pearls on the road . The subject of the evening ' s debate
was—IEI 8 H NATIONAL EDUCATION . Lord Clancarty , in a speech above an hour long , moved for some returns . His speech , contained three assertions , which were wonderfully varied in the setting forth . He maintained that the national system had failed , in respect of the religious effect it has produced on the people , the union of Roman Catholic and Protestant children in the- same schools ; and in obtaining local contributions for carrying out the system . Beside
this , he fell foul of the report of the Commissioners , and tried hard to show that the number of children set down as attending the schools , was larger than the number of children who could attend the schools existing . He made great complaint that not the Bible only but Scripture extracts even were not suffered to be read in the schools ; and that instead of the children having writing copies set them , such as " God save the Queen , they had " Hurrah for repeal , " " St . Patrick wall a gentleman . " who
Lord Clancarty found two supporters , sustained his sweeping allegations , the Bishop of London and Lord Habeowby . The Bishop condemned the system as vicious ; " and especially he insisted that the mixed plan was impracticable . On this subject he said : — "It was utterly impossible to carry out a system of combined education in such a country as Ireland . Looking at the antagonism of the two great parties , it was im » possible to unito Catholics and Protestants , and give them a complete system of education which should satisfy the religious instructors of one or tho other . And if they were to banish religious education from the schools , and leave it
to tho respective pastors to inculcate it at such times as they might think fit , they would mako religion appear A matter of little or no importance—they would seem to treat it as tho most indifferent part of education , which children might bo left to acquire or not to acquire , according to tho caprice of parents or tho inclination of their spiritual instructors . The board of education in I" *"""* made exceedingly good selections from the word of God » but hifl objection was , that the poor and ignorant children . Wero not taught that thoso selections were part of the Bible . As an illustration , ho met a poor boy when travelling laek
year in Ireland , and he asked him some very elementary questions , and the boy answered those questions on the wholo m well as a boy could bo expected to do . Mo asked what was tho first commandment , and tho boy told him . He asked where ho learnt that , and tho boy said in the second book . ' But whore did the second book learn it fromP' 'Indeed , 1 don't know , ' Biiid tho boy . ' Does it come from tho JJibloP' 'I don't know . ' 'Do you over read tho Bible P' ' I cannot flay that I do . ' ' Did you ever hear of it P' No ; I novor did . ' Such was the r «* suit of tlio conversation . "
Lord ILvhbowhy suggested that there should be an inquiry into the fruits of this Bjstein of educution . On the other bide , the amount of authority wub overwhelming . Tho Earl of A ihchdjjjjn , tho Earl of BBttnv , the Karl of Eomnton , tho Earl of Cr , Attfi * rboir , tlio Uinhop of Nonwioit , and tlio IHshop of LiMBlttOit , all testified to the buccchh of the system , and tho fallacy of Lord Oluticarty ' s statements . Lord Derby himaelf corrected the erroneous view taken of the Oommia-Hioners report . Lord AlKudeen , with great warmth , having attributed whatever might uppew unsuccessful
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242 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), March 12, 1853, page 242, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1977/page/2/
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