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working people are becoming " persons of consideration , " laterally . One of the most important concessions has been that of courts of arbitration , under one name or another ' , to settle disputes between master and men . Sunderlana was an example , which has been followed in other places , especially Kidderminster and Glasgow . These courts , call them by what name you may , will be useful in practice ; but they are important , at the present moment , in testifying the recognition of the men by their employers , who meet them , on an equality , to consult and to arrange terms
reciprocally . The spirit of dictation amongst the employers is declining , and the spirit of mutual consultation is taking its place . One of the most intelligent claims put forward by the men , is that for a half-holiday on the Saturday . In many respects , this would be a valuable gain , in a political and social , as well as an economical point of . view . " The bitter observance of the Sabbath" tends to check anything like general intercourse on the seventh day ; and , although that sectafian / SpSit is on the wane , it ^
still has some effect . ~ The / half of a secular day would be free from thisrestraint . The people would be uncheckedkin the enjoyment 01 their leisure ; they woulcjf naturally incline to , congregate , and , in the fine season , would probably congregate in the open air . With the extension of the militia , we want a time for periodic drilling ; to say nothing of the sports that might be revived on that leisure day . And they would be revived , since leisure and assemblage of the people naturally lead to active sports . The people would once more begin to know each
other , as a body , not only during the formal collections of public meetings , or assemblages for work , each of which has its peculiar kind of rigour and stern feeling , but in hours of more genuine personal intercourse . Nothing could be more useful , in reviving a spirit of healthy independence , and , at the same time , a spirit of general sympathy . " We should like to see that Birmingham claim extended to every part of the country . Unquestionably the employers would concede it , if it were generally and perseveringly sought . And it might be conceded , without the slightest detriment to commerce ; since wellarranged labour could produce more than is done now , by ill-arranged and ill-spirited labour . The one thing , at present , wanted , to put the
full soul into all this body of strength , on the part of the working classes , —the one thing wanted , and , perhaps , just on the point of arriving , is , a higher feeling of their own position and responsibilities towards themselves , towards their fellow-creatures and their country . The true source of weakness , amongst the working classes , has been their keeping to the selfish principle of trade— " Each for himself , and nothing better than God for us all , " as tho true atheistical spirit of the maxim has run . Each for himself is a good maxim , while man is vindicating his rights against aggression , his liberty against restraint , and his dignity against abasoniont ; but his strongest stand should bo for his fellow-creatures , and
those who depend upon him . " My brother is mysolf , " is the true maxim of strength for the working classes . If every working man felt an injury to another working man , as an injury to himself , the power of so numerous a body would bo invincible . To secure fair play for each and for all , should ho tho resolute intentioa of tho working classes ; and a man Rhould rather sacrifice his life , or his wages , —which , in our day , is thought of moro account , —than yield to an injustice , not only because- tho injustice * is an offence to hiniseif , but because it is an offence to tho principles which guard tho welfare of tho whole species .
Tho working classes have moro disinterestedness than any other class , but they might revive that moro generous spirit . Probably when tho pressure of immediate necessity and trial in somewhat lightened , tho spirit will revive of itself , and thoy will then boo that a gonorous and upright construction of thoir relations with each other involvow also a generous and upright construction
of tho relations towards thoir employers . When tho working classes fully understand thoir own interest , they will perceive that discord has only diHguiHod , not destroyed tho truth , that tho iuteroHfc of employers and workpeople- is one and tho Hamc . I f tho workpeople flourish , the employers muHt ilourmh ; and if tho Workpeople wish to llouriHh , they cannot do ho while their employers aro injured .
But the spirit would go higher still . The work * man would perceive that if he had his full rights , and his fellow labourer had his full rights , and each one of his fellow-labourers likewise , and also his master , then the country would be truly prosperous . He would perceive , therefore , that to stand up for his rights is to . s'fand up for his country ; andi if once the great body of the people could be impressed with that reviving
love of country which is the true strength ot every free people ; the Democracy would then , and . not before , be the true Sovereign of the En-§ lisa Commonwealth . To arrive at that power epends , not upon the concessions of Parliament , but upon the resolution of the working-classes themselves . Their enfranchisement is in their own hands ; if they understand themselves , they cannot fail to attain . it . Hope fells us that we are already on the way .
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RIGHT OF SANCTUARY IN ENGLAND . There is some satisfaetiqn in the declaration of Lord John Ilussell on Thursday night , that the ancient law of this country secures a refuge for political refugees ; that the law is the same for all , whatever their rank or political influencefor princes and persons of the most lowly condition , for royalists and the most ultra-republicans ; and that the law will never be changed . Some satisfaction also in Lord Palmerston ' s declaration , that there is nothing to justify any ¦ Droceedinsrs against any other person besides
Mr . Hale , British or foreign ; nothing , therefore , to justify proceedings against Kossuth . But these declarations would be more satisfactory if they were made without manifest reservations ; and we are surprised that those Members who have the courage and the perseverance to bring Ministers to account so successfully as they have done , should not find the means of driving them to an explicit answer on certain important points . Lord Palmerston has not given a distinct reply to the question , whether or not our police exercise some kind of special watch over Kossuth .
He has said that he has given no particular orders ; but what if he has put agents of Prussian and Austrian police in communication with our commissioners , giving to the latter general instructions to facilitate the pursuit of these foreign police P The Prussian papers stated lately that Attorney-General Norner , and Police-Lieutenant Goldheim had succeeded in tracking Kossuth ; and they evidently pointed to that false evidence respecting the Itotherhithe rockets which Lord Palmerston is now obliged to disavow . Now what business had the Prussian
police in this country P Who gave them tho opportunity of pursuing Kossuth P Who facilitated their use of spies and false informers P There is great reason to suspect that Police-Lieutenant Goldheim had some connexion—some co-operation with our own police ; and if so , it must have been under the authority of Lord Palmerston . Very distinct questions on this point should bo put to Lord Palmerston ; and when a question is put to that extremely adroit ? Minister , it ought not to be accompanied by remarks which give him tho opportunity of answering tho remarks , and leaving tho question unanswered .
Toll Lord Palmeraton that he is suspected ; that police have been sent as labourers into Kosfluth ' a house ; and instead of answering tho question implied , he will make tho Hou . se of Commons laugh by telling them stories of daggers with tho name of " Palmer and Son" upon thorn , and will draw forth easy cheers by declaring it his duty to back the police in maintaining order , or something of that kind . Lord John itussoll also , with his equality for all persons , might bo asked whether ho is propared to maintain equality of treatment absolutely . He can have no business with what passes in foreign countries ; it cannot bo any function of his to ohstruot tho ' Hungarian I fain pdim in the contest with tho Austrian Charles
Stuart . Lord John HunsoII in not bound to provide sticking-plaster to keep on tho head of any rebellious sovereign in Europe . If wo remember rightly , other pernoiiH besides Kossuth have engaged in attempts to niter tho Government of other countries . Don Pedro has boon a familiar name with English politicians . We have had a " Spanish legion ; " wo rather boast of OHtablitming a free Government in Belgium ; but in most of thoHo cases the aliens whom we favoured wore of tho royal rank . JNow , if Lord John Itussoll
is sincere , lie would help Kossuth at least tLk easily as Queen Isabella , or King Leopold . . We would not , however , press him so far ; but only let this test be put to him . If perfect equality is to be observed , the proceedings taken against one man would be the same as the proceedings taken against another ; and Lord John Russell maybe asked , if he would pledge himself on no occasion to use any legal instrument except such an one as could be applied to the case either of a fugitive B ourbon , or a fugitive Kossuth , by the mere alteration of the name in the blank of the formP If there would be any difference in
the body of the document , the professed quality is a delusion . Secondly , we presume that Lord John Russell will in . no ease act , except according to law : now British law does not rejoice in a copious use of police or spies ; nor does it need any such assistance . Thirdly , although , he may use the letter as well as the spirit of the law , will not Lord John Russell admit that it is a disadvantage to use collateral instruments for important political purposes , —to use , for example , an old Act intended for putting down a nuisance as a means of impeding a political movement ohvnnA P Kossuth ' s obiects are as well known
as Don Pedro ' s , or Don Miguel ' s , and Lord John Russell has no business with them . Kossutii has declared that he will not break the laws of this country ; and Lord John [ Russell ' s business is to see , not that Kossuth should abstain against movements against Austria , but that , he abstain from movements against our laws . If Ministers keep within the honest limits that we have indicated , they are in their right ; but we very much doubt whether policemen dogged the steps of Louis Napoleon , or worked as gardeners at Claremont in the days of de Joinville's hopes .
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THE SUPERANNUATION FUND : TREATMENT OP PUBLIC SERVANTS . All public bodies and most nations , not to say private individuals , have usually felt it incumbent upon them to provide for servants who had served them , faithfully for a long series of years : in many instances pensions are given to the servants , and even the widows and children of those who die have , in cases of necessity , some kind of provision . Many States have acknowledged that obligation ; many English gentlemen fulfil it ; so has tho Bank of England , although corporations are said to have no feeling ; so also some provincial banks ; and so likewise the East India Company . In the Army there is tho retiring pension , with allowance for the widow under certain conditions ; in the Navy , the same . The common soldier may look to Chelsea , or an out-pension ; the common sailor , to Greenwich . But there is one body of men to whom this instinctivo principle of humanity is not extended ; and that is the Civil Service of England . The case however would be much , understated if we werp to describe that class as being merely deprived of pensions or of hope for assistance to widows and children . It is much worse . Tho great bulk of the body is mulcted by a deduction of 5 per cent , from its pay in respect of incomes above 100 Z ., and of 2 ^ per cent . under that amount ; in order to tho formation of what is called a superannuation fund . There is , however , a distinction in the body . Those who were appointed to the service before 1829 do not pay towards tho fund ; but after the 4 th of August , 1829 , contribute . Tho distinction of non-paying and paying members of the service is carried out in the payments made to them , and tho following are tho scales of superannuation allowed to the two classes by tho Act , 4 th and 5 th'William IV ., cap . 24 : — Fikbt Ci , ahh . —TIioho who do not contributes to the Superannuation Kund : — For 10 yiH . Horvico and under 15 {\ x ofa . ilary . ifi „ „ 20 A-20 „ „ 2 fi A - *•> ,, ,, « S 0 , ' - ,, 30 „ „ ' M , ' ! , ' **> „ „ 40 A 40 „ „ 46 { - 4 r > „ „ no h r > 0 and upwards , tho wholes HJiIary . Second ( Jlahh . —T 1 ioho who do contribute to tlio Superannuation Fund :--For 10 yrH . Horviconnd unelor 17 v ' i of N ^ Ury . 17 „ „ 24 , V 24 ,, ,, «* 5 L f \ ,, ' ) | «{ U II <) 1 ,, ,, t > O fq ,, 38 ,, >> 46 j , , ; 4 fi and upwardt ) ( £ rdu or ) A- ,,
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i 46 THE LEADER , [ Saturday ^
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 7, 1853, page 446, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1985/page/14/
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