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year ; We have repeatedly proved tMs to demonstration . We ate losing exactly in , the proportion of the commercial difference between tlie trade which we have \ fitV Russia ari <| the Austrian States , and . that ; which we have withTurkey . The actual state o ^ o | tr ^ r ad ^ ^ t 3 | t those cpi ^ tries is in singularcon # WjMadn' id th < 3 dogma oY certain economists , that political amity does not lead to commerce . Our experiments prove the reverse . Sardinia ; has field put to ua the conintercialhand of friendship pn entering into the . list of
constitutional states . France , which certainly entertains a more friendly feeling to us than has - been the case for a long ' series of years , is also beginning to discern the aplvant ^ e of free commercial iiiterco . urse ., Turkey reciprocates with us the most c < mip ; le ^ freedom ; Austria , pvx yacnlatmg all ^ , is restrictive ; ifcussiaV our open enemy , is prohibitive . With the 15 millions . of Turks we enjoy a trade of 3 , 000 , 000 ? . annually , or , taking it at the lowest figure , 2 ^ 500 , 0001 . With the 150 millions of Buss'ians , we have a € ra 3 e of 500 , 000 i ( f .
¦ Iiet us exchange One % 6 h"ti ( jal circumstances exis ' ting betweein iis * and -Russia , and' those Jjairts . of Etirope # hich are Ricked' ii |> under the Absolutist GrbvbrEiilierifsi for the state of cjrdumstances which " exists' * -, b ^ twieeri us and llHiri ^ y , anil we nj ^ ht have a . trade' wiifih the r ' estf df B ^ urope prop ^ rtibiiatei with' that which w ^ haVe with Turkejr . This is not ' speculati'dn ; it is faeti We fcioVv that GfermMy" is" devoured by stantung armifei , aixdj iiicJapable cff commercial expansion through the obstructions tb he ! i * poh ' ticalemancipatio We kjscrvv that Italy is kept from tiradiiig with thiis country by Austria , JSTaples , and Koine ! We 1
knbw that Hungary isimprisoned , by the Gustoms cbftldift . In snort , we know that tjie ^ hole of Eitfbpe which is under tHb Absolutist families , is prevented from employing its industry in the exchange trade- # ith England ' . Liberate Europe from th' e Absolutist families , aid ' we . exchange ror that prohibitive' system the : system' that exists in Turkey , or ; at ajl events , ' thait progressive system which exists in Sardinia , and which is dawning in France ; If we Were to rate the commerce thus
extricatied for the country at 100 millions sterling , we ^ hbuldmanife ' stl ^ 'be takm ^ it infin ' rfcely too low for any probable figure . How , what investment of capital iri a war of freedom is worth 100 mfflions in trade per annum ? Tliiiswe say , as we said last week , that if it were necessary to invest 1000 millions in the war , as We did in the last , it Would pay comtiiercidlly . W ' e should then enjoy a trade eqtial to tfte , Si ^ now stated b y Mr . Bright as spent annually 6 n standing armies—100 or 150 millions sterling . ,.
But independently of the ulterior commercial advantages to be won , there are special trading classes in this country who know very well the positive profits pf a war . Sheffield and Birmingham , for example , have an eye , to sword-blades and muskets ; biit it is a ' lu $ crpus quibble to pretehd that these purveyors aldne , or even the farmers exclusively , would reap tlie profits of an European war . jV ^ uch of ' the industry of the Continent would he suspend ^ , and we should have ( to supply its place . Coal , ; iron , carriage , and many other commodities and services , would bo rendered by this country , at war pricqs , and many a fortune would hayo to bo made during the interval .
Bui '; permanent ., advantages would accrue npt alpnp to individuals , tiet us take one ; example . War with Jiussia nwght j ; o qohjq ., extent suspend ptioro than p rip sreat trjiclo with , tluit . country , If ltisobsoryod b y jthe tnnprpufl free i trader , 1 ^ - ^ hqro . we shpul f T lose in produce , let us reply ( it ono e , thatwQ neepl nevei * fear , for : , any produce Wiich Kussia can hold back , while we have America and our colpnie . 8 to support up ^ -another vnstance pf tho facility pf trade with iriqndly loworB and peoples whoso industry is free . But J . l ff i * l i , l v «^ n trades is ii supply of flax ,
Tf ^ W * , 1 ! suspended . Max . is already the Subject of ( inxioua cultivation in England and in U'oland . eHpocialty , wlicro it , is ^ beginning fafto . a i ] r ^ ' , p ' -Cheijo aro many ^ ooHpns ^ hytlio cultu . ro ° . " J ^' j . Wnrfpd ^ with . it fi ^ nMml jujtuftv is oxqos-S e ^ ifW ' % *< - dy $ l ; V % ^ "PPJy vrnvk : for tfi wljplo , ye"Vr a ^ f * wMnWig , t-o . Mo-3 neati c , foiTn ^ f [ . ^ d Vi ^ ry . mpnpjty l ^ meficia , ^ , ( t > u 3-ponathe J ? , up $ fn , n flax f ^ ade , jmf } ^ HJimonsp ^ mpnlHo ih glv ^ m to the fl ^ x , tr ^ do } n England ,, and » nH more in Ireland ^ . » irttdo wqi ^ I , ttnis grow Up , not easily to ho aupersod ^ iPU < 4 » o ^ atqj ation of . pejwo with , IWwui . , Th 0 , fbix imh tnus creaj ^ d ^ ould aurviyq . AJrp » 4 y m Ireland
tnjfecontingenfr benefit from a just war is the subject of congratulation . . , Tbis is rid new idea , adopted from an Irish feeling of the daj ^ , for we have ourselves anticipated the present pecasiori . Thus , nearly a twelvemonth , back , we wrote , — ^ At . this moment , ahowld a general European war unhappily break out , and Russia be found amongst our opponents , what would becobme of our supplies of material for
saflbs , cordage , and other naval equipments , dependent upon a full supply of jfibrous material ?• It is beyond a doubt that , with the exception of manilla hemp , which will not take tar , and is prmcipaUy serviceable for running rigging , and wholly useless for wearing purposes , . Russia almost exclusively supplies-our marine with ! flax and hemp . This dependence upon foreign countries , and , above all , upon Russia , may one day involve us in- much difficulty , and demonstrate , when too late , the folly of neglecting our own internal resources . "— -Leader , Nov . 27 , 1862 .
Again ,- - " Of some 150 , 000 ships and coasters employed in the marine of Great Britain , it is supposed that not one is fitted with stores manufactured from flax of home growth ; that in order to sup ply necessaries for those vessels , and for domestic use , the produce ,- n 6 t of 400 , 000 acres , as stated roughly in our first letter , but of 700 , 000 , as assumed by Sir James Graham , would be annually required to displace fore importations of flax , hemp , and jute ; and that to effect this , we only require to multiply the present growth , of Ireland by five . Of the 160 , 000 acres supposed t » be now , grown in Great Britain , Ireland in 38000 and with further
1861 . contributed as ; much as } . » j a deveiopment , of her fespurces , could herself increase the siipply of flax beyond the requirements of the British empa ^—^ Ledder , Uecember : 4 , 1852 . But npthing can be more suicidal in logic than to appeal to the recollections ; of the war with France or th « American colpnies ; the circumstances are exactly reversed . At the clpse pf last century we were at war with ! Prance against Napplepn , for the purppse of forcing upon Eurdpe certain fainihes which were hateful at the time , and wHieh have justified the hatred of the people by their crimes _ and cruelties . These
hated , cruel , imbecile fajnilies—such as the reign ing houses of Austria and . Naples—have obstructed commerce , destroyed national independence , suppressed pplitical actipn of every kind , expunged education , imprisoned men and women in multitudes , generation after generation ; have inflicted ignorance , slavery , pauperism of spuI and body , death , and worse than death , upon whole races ; and it was to force those families upon reluctant nations that we undertppk the war against Nappleon , We spent a thousand millions in that
holy alliance . The circumstances now are exactly opposite .. 'We should act with the nations , and their resources would be for us , and not against us ; , we should have legions of volunteers nocking to our standards , instead of subsidized mercenaries and discontented conscripts . We have with us , not against us , the heir to the name and empire of Kapoleon , and we can well dispense with the Monsieurs , the Ferdinands , and even the Alexanders , for whom we spent our money at the commencement of the century .
There is another incident of the distinction we are enforcing of such political and cpmmerciiil significance , that tlie peace crpakers pught tp be among tlie first ; to sound the trumpets of this holy war . The armies of the despotic Governments may ho reckoned at something like S $ , pOO , QOO of men , sustained tit vast expanse , to the Oppressed nations , and at a disastrous lops tp , tho victims of bankrupt bonds and fabulous lpana , who rush like moths to a flame at tjie . tempting baits of the Barings and the lk > thschilds . The expense of sustaining these men is entailed , because * they aro hired for the purppae
of acting against the peoples , and of keeping on high seats of emolument arid ppwer , some forty crowned and vicious Impostors . In free * cpuntries wo havo exactly tlie opposite state pf things . Tako America : there is no necessity to maintain a standing army there , because tho people ia its own army . There is no neoeBHity either to pay tlie mtift , 6 i' to ' abstract so much manhopd from the' p ' ursuits of industry , agriculture , and enterprise ! . By disbanding tho anti-national ai-niics pf
Ijlurppe ) , wo Bhoulrt thutj rocrmt the annios of indu « trv and of \ wa 4 O , TIuh ia a conimeivmil item on the credit , side which wo huve aright to add to iour provioufl ( 'aloulationH . , •' .... Tho r ( M ! bllection of our Aiiierioan eolpnian ouglit again to fitTcngthion uh , it is ho apropos . Wo then tliougltt ; to « uppr 6 flsnatiorial froodrtm : since that time we have found tho necessity of conferring the riiiriio freedom for which , the ^ xior icpns fought , upoii ^ our c ' olouios in ' North AiwVioa , iho WchI , In < JieB , Sout ^ Africa , and Australia . We aro taking , ytepH to confer the
to the list of free countries ; and to extend the same freedom , with analogous results , no doubt , to the broad field of Europe : having on our side and not against us those American colonies that have grown strong in the policy which they initiated and we have adppted . Our readers will perceive that this is not a straining of the circumstatices , but a simple recital pf the facts which they know as well as we dp . We have pnly put them tpgether fpr pur readers tp view them in JTixtappsition , cpnfident in the cpnclusion which they Will draw . It is said that we must pause before we give up " the system of forty years . " What has the system pf forty years been ? It was established to sustain dpminant and detested
same uppn our alien dependencies of India . We have made some progress , and are contemplating forther developments in the same principles at home ; in ether words , we have admitted throughout the British dominions that our American colonies were right , and our Government was wrong . The question now is , whether we shall continue to fight on the side of arbitrary Government as-we' did against our American coloines , and as we did in the last European war , or whether we shall Sesist from that wicked , foolish , and losing policy , tp take the same side which the " Canadians have taken ; which put present Colpnial Minister has taken in the colonies recently added
families against the nations ; it was expected to preserve order . , The families have only brought a few more imbecile tyrants into the world as worthless as thpse whom we re-established . They have so gpvernedEurppe , that the whple pf the continent under their s ' way has for the last five years been virtually and in many cases literally in a state of siege . They prevent the trade which we should share : they check civilization both of commerce
and of intellect ; they prop up , at Rome , an apoplectic old Prince of Darkness , who insists that the aeienee of the world shall start from the presumption that the sun gees rpund the earth ; they imprispn by multitudes , and they kill by sIpw tortures and lingering exhaustion . That is " the system of forty years ! " In the ensuing war we sheuld inevitably change these cpnditipns , reverse these results . We sheuld have freedpm ,
commerce , peace , abplitibri pf standing armies . In a wprd , tlie American system , which has been adopted with success in England and English colpnies , wpuldhebrought home to Europe ; a system of domestic order and tranquillity , of natipnal liberty , p f educatipn , pf spcial regeneration , pf energetic production , active trade , advancing science , and pf food will . That system which appears to us to e sp gppd is exactly the reverse of the detestable " system pf fprty years' ^ which has at last become so intolerable that it can no honger be sustained .
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BELLOT'S MONUMENT . " A MoisriTMENT tp Bellpt , " is suggested , and tho suggestion springs from an hpnpurable impulse . The example pf tlie gjillant stranger has tpld upon tho minds of those who stay at home ; and the proof is furnished by this honpurable desire to do honour to him . Let there be a tomb . Fpr himself it is not needed , as tpmba seldom are . it in n 6 t Shakespeare who ia affected by tho monument , but those who live after Shakespeare ; and the monument ia npt needed . to make us appreciate hifl works , but tP tell each other that we aro able to appreciate greatness . Sp likewise a monument to such a man as Bollot is chiefly for ourselves , and thpse whp immediately succeed uh . As for him , if his epitaph Were engraven pn tho hummock pf ice from which he fell ; if it wore writ in the water that was stirred for an instant with his last movements in life , it-would still survive any structure of fitono or brass ; for it in imperiflhably associated with all that makes solfsftcrilice sulilimo . Aretio diHuoveiy Iijih furnished Huh country , in piping times of peace , with that which used 'to aftort ? ppportunitics for grand oxertion in t \ w of i Jinuinan inuui
da ^ A chivalry . 'I . 'iiero s m r , <^ an iiHixtinguifih ' ablc desiro to try i ( s (^ ipiu'ity pf pursuing good -for . its own tiake ; of oiicoiini ; orii » g dantor for the flake of the conqueut ; and , in abort ,, of proving the immortal part of our ruUairethat part which cannot ho subdued either l > y danger or death . Tt has boon obscryed , that , thoso who object to tluiso Polar expeditioiifl , as rosnltless , muvnot tho perHOiiB engaged in thorn , but those who stay at homo . It ib tho writer , totting in ! uh warm room , who Hhrinkn in ide » i from tho waufce of life amid til © i (? o iw& winds of
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October 15 , 1853 ] THE LEADER . 99 &
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 15, 1853, page 995, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2008/page/11/
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