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Europe . This plan is regarded as being meant for the benefit of Russia as Well as Turkey , since , as Eussia lias disturbed the territorial arrangements of Europe , she ought , in justice , to pay for the disturbance , and to indemnify Turkey for war expenses , if not to yield up provinces ¦ unjustly seized by anterior aggressions . It is , hoAvever , idle to expect that any existing Cabinet in Europe , or any possible Cabinet in England , would
¦ enter upon a crusade to exact from Eussia restitution of provinces of which she has remained iu quiet possession for some time . That object is so impossible , that no convention should be expected to entertain it . It is true that the expenses of the Avar will be an unjust infliction upon Turkey—an infliction exactly similar to that endured by a man who has to pay the expenses above the taxed costs in an action unjustl y brought against him . There are wrongs for-which the law provides no redress .
It is , however , not literally true that the proposed declaratory act Avould virtually serve Russia and not Turkey . Turkey is threatened with the loss of Servia . as well as Moldavia and Wallachia ; and if the proposed act be carried out with any honesty , it would as much serve Turkey against the loss of Servia to Austria , as against the loss of the Danubian Principalities to Russia .
Indeed , short of declaring a territorial crusade against Russia , whieb it is the very object of the Pour Powers to avoid , they could scarcely resort to a stronger measure than to a general assertion of maintaining the present territorial system ; and as it is Russia which has violated that system , and not Turkey , the practical virtue of the declaration is against Russia exclusively , and not at all against Turkey .
It may be surmised that in all these accommodations national objects are sacrificed to dynastic interests — that Hapsburgers , Bourbons , and Coburgs , are of more account even with our own constitutional Government than Hungarians , Germans , Italians , Belgians , or French ; and it may be so . But if the surmise is true , we are not in a position to help it . " We are not only Avithout the right to say that our OAvn Court has done nothing anti-national—we have not CA'en the right to conjecture such a thing . There are rumours
and insinuations that Coburg interests are too much pressed upon the Queen ; but avo haA e not the faintest evidence that she has ever done or attempted an unconstitutional act . So far as avc have any evidence before us , she is absolutely faultless . If , indeed , avc had a Ministry disposed to adopt a decided course , for the Avelfarc of the nations and the honour of England , and if that Ministry made us understand that it Avas obstructed by the Court , we might have facts to act
upon ; but avo have not Bucb a Ministry . And AvhyP Because the nation , which in fairly enough represented in Parliament , is supine , and does not require the Ministry to be energetic , or to vindicate by vigorous action the national honour . It is idle to complain , on presumption , that the Court is subserving dynastic intrigues , when the responsible Ministers are winking at dynastic combinations , and the country itself is givin" - to that , base policy the complicity of passive
acquiescence . Wehave not yet before us the details of the proposed convention , the-merits of Avhieh depend ho much upon details . For example , it into declare that the present territorial arrangements are not to be violated — by encroachment of any one ; Power , Ave suppose , on 1 ho ten-it oriew of any other party in the European company of States . We suppose I hat Aha convention would not attempt to go the length of guaranteeing to each sovereign possession of territories as against the internal movements of bin own Hubject . s ; a , claim very properly refused by our Win is tens when advanced
by the jvhm | iiiH de JVI iraflores on behalf of Spain in Cuba , and expressly repudiated by the Times in reference to Turkey . In like manner , avc suppose that Iheconvention would only guarantee Hungary to . Austria , aH n ^ niiist Runsia , and not jih agninst . ( he Hungarians . ' Nor can , any such convention , without an essential nnd . inherent rtivttctio ad absurd i < niy profcNN to bo eternal . It might , by the will of all Powers , forbid any one Power , at present , from disturbing present ; arrangements : it could do no more , and could not attempt more without , carrying within itself its own repeal .
We have endeavoured l , o review the nowcsl proposition before the public dispassionately , in order to ascertain its real coin prehension ' and
bearing . That it way prevent war , we believe ; _ that it will do so , we would not venture to prophesy . That it satisfies justice we do not think . Russia has for years been stealing territory from other States ; and now that she has gone beyond endurance , we are inclined to say that the lawless Eniperor ought to be brought to account , be made to . disgorge , and even be made to undergo humiliation for his misdeeds . Arrogant wrong-doing like his should be forced to suffer retribution , as
well as make restitution ; and a noble indignation would not be satisfied until that betrayer of Poland , that undoer of Hungary , that abettor of Austria in all he r crimes , has been removed from power , and made to do penance on the tomb of his victims . But we have yet to learn whether such a thing as national pride survives , or whether any indignation remains on the Eastern shores of the Atlantic .
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OXFORD . UNIVEBSITY STAGNATION . More than eighteen months have elapsed since the Oxford Commissioners published their Report , and still no advance has been made towards an adoption , of its recommendations . Nor can this result be attributed to want of Opportunity . During a great portion of that period , the Minister who appointed the Commission has been in power , and has even brought forward a measure on national education . But distinguished as that scheme must ever be for feebleness of conception , and the general dissatisfaction which it created , the most discreditable portion was that which related to the Universities . In the face
of the most conclusrve testimony as to the ob-¦ struc . tive spirit which pervades the University of Oxford , the oligarchical character of its constitution , and the inefficiency of its educational system , Lord John Russell decided that time should still be given for the Avork of self-reformation . What advantage has been taken of that indulgence—to what extent the notions of the Oxford Heads coincide with the opinions of the Commissioners — Ave are at length informed .
The Hebdomadal Board has published a Report , already too long delayed . It is sufficient to say , that the member ^ of that body have ' fully sustained their reputation . They are still unconvinced of the necessity of reform—still pledged to maintain the existing constitution—still keenly alive to their solemn responsibilities—still faithful in their allegiance to the much-loved relics of the Laudian statutes . The experience of the last few months has left them what they Avere beforethe worshippers of antiquated formulas , slaves to founders' aviIIs , hostile to the growth of knoAvledge ^ at enmity with the spirit of the age . They
oppose the foundation of private halls , and any organic change in the government of the University . They do indeed advocate an extension of the professorial system , for they propose " that some two or three professors should receive a small addition to their stipend , that the two Arabic professorships should bo combined ; that the Sanscrit professor should be forced to reside ; and , to crown those dangerous innovations upon the . present system , that new professorships should be established of sonic of the modern Eastern languages , particularly . Chinese . '" Any comment on this would be superfluous .
It is said , indeed , that Ministers intend to take the matter into their own hands , and that a stringent measure of reform has been prepared , but the assertion must be received Avith considerable caution . Wehave no reason toboliero that , the , Covernineiit is resolved upon adopting even the changes proposed by the Commissioners , and we can discern little ground for hope in the stale of public opinion which appears to prevail in ^ Oxford . It is obvious that , the grand object of any reform must be to restore the Universities to their original condition . No reform can bo complete—none a \ ill be accepted as such by the
public—which does not , commence by making Oxford and Cambridge national institutions . Wot until they have " censed to exact the . solemn farce of enforcing juvenile subscription , to t , t ; sts , and of making religious belief a condition of obtaining a decree , can 1 heir failure ; or success as educational institutiona , ailed , the great majority of Englishmen . Once , open , th <) bonouw of the Universities to the nation , without ; distinction of creed , and there Avi . ll be some chance of their accomplishing the main object oV their foundation . It is impossible to convince Englishmen that they are interested in the futo of establishments Avbose rewards , as at Cambridge , and whose
very doors as at Oxford , are only opened to behevers or acquiescents in the dogmatic compromise . This expansion may be said to lie at the foundation of all other reform . We have already seen the obstructive character of the report of the Hebdomadal Board , and AA ^ hat further hope there is of any great improvement in the educational system may be gathered from the general tone of feeling in Oxford , and from the expressed opinion of the Tutors' Association . It is notorious that the study of physical science is held in the bitterest
contempt by the younger members of the University . Ridicule is the ' sure reward of an ambitious youth who would fain become acquainted with the nature of the world in which he lives . Sneers wait upon any attempt to grapple with subjects beyond the narrow limits prescribed by written statutes , and enforced by a condition which confines the honours of the University to success in authorized pursuits . It is true that professors may be found , and the means of instruction may be almost said to exist , but what can be expected from young men who have been trained under such a system ? How can they be expected to make exertions which will be ridiculed by their friends and fellow students , which Tutors do not
encourage , and for proficiency in which no rewards are ever bestowed ? The most painful result of the present system is to be seen in the intellectual attainments of the fairest specimens of the class—those who have distinguished themselves in the public examinations . We do not wish to exaggerate the importance of anyone branch of study , but nothing can justify the total neglect of physical science in institutions Avhose very name implies that they pretend to teach eA cry branch of human knovA-ledge ; and , if rewards exist , to . reward success , not in one but in all .
A feeble moclcery of educational reform has been issued by some gentlemen who pretend ( we believe most unfairly ) to represent the opinion of the Tutors of the University . We find them using this language on the subject of physical
: — "In the school of mathematical and physical science , we think there is no pressing demand for an increase in the number of professors . It is , indeed , to be regretted that so valuable a branch of education should not have been more prominently encouraged than it lias been in the studies of Oxford ; but , compared with other more attractive departments of learning , which are at present most inadequately represented in the professorial body , we conceive that this school is sufficiently supplied in what is absolutely
essential . At the same time , if endowments could be provided , it might be desirable to extend or divide the department of pure mathematics , at present belonging to the Savalian Professor of Geometry ; the extent to which analysis lias been carried of late years in mathematical science having opened a wide and interesting field of speculation , which perhaps does not properly fall within the province of any existing professor . -The
Bodleian Header and the Reader in Experimental 1 hilosophy may , under the circumstances , be considered a sufficient staff for the large and important subject ot Mechanical . Philosophy ; though here , too , the progress which of late has been made in its several branches would , if the subject were to become a more prominent part of University education , i mperatively call for a division of labour , and an increase in the stall
of its teachers . " One addition only is suggested—the erection of an Observatory . ' But it , is obvious that t'io study of physical science is practically ignored l > y men' who , unhappily , represent a large p 0 ™ . 1 ? 11 of modern Oxford . With the exception ot the small" body ' of reformers , Oxford is like a lingo fossil ofrnediieval barbarism , preserved by antiquarian divines , to remind us of our connexion with the past . Serving only aw a foil to llw m t ~ vnneing intelligence of the nineteenth century , "' supplies few wants , and supplies them ham-Too much time Las been allowed already . x . i reform is to be accomplished at . all . it must l > e i > y the force of external ' pressure .
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ITALIAN PATRIOTS AND THEIR CALUMNIATORS . . Vkuii a i' 8 jl , he grontent libel ever uttered again * t | io . English people consists in the stiiteriiwH ' the yW- Av / lh respect to Italy . It implioH « ' lOntfliHh toleration of calumnious assertions in teeth of known facts . Lust week wo Ji |« l <><' : sion to notice the candour of the ' Mmos m jwl '"» tin * a fair account of the state of politic" ! J «« -iinj , and opinions in Italy ; in its original col umns u journal 1 , uih amply redeemed its old repute
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1186 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 10, 1853, page 1186, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2016/page/10/
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