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tition of arguments and topics ; and ve extract , therefore , only & few points . Mr . Milner Gibson inswered with gTeat ability the assertion that religious md secular education ought not to be separated . "We propose to give so mu « h of the education which is necessary , as men omn agree upon ; and that part of education upon whicli men disagree , we propose to be supplemented by the voluntary system . The religious portion we Leirretothe zeal and the piety of the teachers of reli g ion ; ¦ na it is to be hoped that } if there be the zeal which Dr . ( Dumming evinces in his various speeches on behalf of scriptural education , it will not be wanting to supply the addition to secular education , which cannot be supplied as society is constituted in this countrythrough the instrumentality
now , JUV 1 » liVUDUHUWU U& blin VUUUVlTf UllUUgu bUQ UJOW UUM . 11 tCUl UJf of the public rates . Why , if we cannot do everything , should not we at least do something ? Is there any evil in itself in teaching children reading , writing , and arithmetic , and giving them some moral training ? Is tliera any evil in this , ^ because we cannot at the expense of the ratepayers . supplement doctrinal religious instruction ? The secular instruction is good so far as it goes ; and I think no one can dispute for an instant that in this country , with its enormous church establishment , its army of priests connected ifitli that establishment , and the great zeal of the various voluntary dissenting bodies , -there cannot be the slightest jdoobt Ithat , when there is the knowledge among all these cusses that in the common school secular instruction alone btrie statethe addition of reli
is ' Molded y , necessary gions instruction will be supplied by the religious teachers , of the varipUs communions . What 5 s the reason that we should not teach people to read and write by a rate , if we are all agreed that reading and writing are necesssryLthhigs , and mi ^ training , for , everychili in the kingdom ? Is there Miiy difference between this and the question of lighting a trtvri ^ nfth gas ? Is there any difference in principle between e&ilriishing a common school , to which all may have access , iorfhe . purpose of Acquiring -the knowledge which all consider nece 8 sary----i 8 there any difference between supporting S ^ ch a school by the public rates arid supporting anything in the shapeof public improvement by an equable rate ? 1 san at a loss to see any distinction . "
; . Then came the great event of the evening—the appearance of Mr . Bright on the platform , to give Jn ^ his thorough , adhesion to the association . Mr . Bright said he had been hailed as a convert , bat , in fact ,-he had not endured so much a change of Opinion as a change in his estimate of what could be done / ^ Formerly he thought the objects of the association hopeless of achievement ; now he did not think so . He felt that it was not becoming in him
to withhold . bis support any longer , especially as he was an advocate for political change . Mr . Bright ably dealt with the argument of the voluntaries , that " state interference enfeebles a people ; that a free nation ^ becomes less free by Government doing anything which the people can do , even though clumsily , for -themselves ; and that any interference , by rates and taxes , and law and authority of any raid , can only have the effect of destroying zeal and voluntary effort , not in questions of education only , taut generally as- respect all questions affecting the public . "
' * 'Now this is true to a certain extent , and to a certain extent , it is not at all true . It is . true , that under certain systems of government and under certain circumstances ; but there are other systems and there are other circumstances in which it appears U > me to have no kind of troth whatever . Now if we were to suppose under a Government like Bussia there was a system ^ of education established , and that the Emperor himself , or one of his ministers , fixed the Emit of the . schools and the building of them , had the choice cf-the books , the appointment of the master , and the direction of the . priest—in fact , tie whole matter from beginning to end—the levying of the money and the distribution of it ; one can easil y see it would be possible to mould the public znind of Russia in . such a manner as we should think not favourable to t 3 v * interests of'the people . But I prefer to take my example from another country , whose institutions , though differing in form widely from ours , are more in
spirit like our own . I turn to the United States—and I say that in the United States all that this association had ever proposed to do , had been done for a long time past : and that no man living can say that the fears which Mr . Baines and Mr . Miail have expressed , find any kind of confirmation whatever'from any resu . lt that had taken place in the United States of America . It does not appear to me that combinations of men for specific objects , acting under legal sanction , necessarily enfeeble , because almost everything that is done in the shape of a public undertaking in that country , and in this is « lone under such legal sanction . All the . railways , of course , are made under that ; all your municipal organisation , and jour municipal results of every kind , are carried out under that principle ; and if it be based unon a free system , my opinion is thai this municipal system is in itself calculated not to enfeeble , but to give fx > rce to the determination and persistency to the efforts of the people amongst whom they exist . ( Loml cheers . )
Mr . Cobderj addressed himself to prove that separate secular instruction is not inimical to religion . Borne of his statements are curious , and new . " Mr . Baines had no other idea of teaching the people of this country secular knowledge but through religious org anisations . But he would call attention to this astounding fact , that there are five million * of people in Great Britain who don't go to . church at all , or to chapel either . There were a million heads of families who , if we may believe the statistical returns , are not connected with any place of worship whatsoever . Now , lie asked Mr . Baines , and every candid , honest man who really wants education , how would they reach through religious organisation tliose people who never go to chapels , or to any place of religious worship ? ( Applause . ) And then there was in reserve the more terrible fajpt still fckat the very parties who neTer go to church
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SOCIAL AND POIilUCAIi VIEWS FROM MANCHESTER . The annual meeting of the Manchester Commercial Association , of which the Conservatives are chiefly members , was held on Monday , and affords us the views of its president , Mi . James Aspinall Turner , on the strikes and the duty of British merchants in the event of hostilities . With respect to the strikes , Mr . Turner ' s remarks are mainly directed to the illeffects they produce on the general commerce of the country by drivingxapital to other lands .
few years he felt confident that we should have a bard race with them . He knew the same thine of other countries by hia own experience . He had been suffering a diminution of orders from the Continent , and he had been told tha reason why it was that continental manufactures were progressing to such an extent that they would be able very soon to take several branches of his business from him , and were already producing several articles he had been accustomed to furnish at a cheaper rate than he could . Now , if this were the case , not only with domestics , bat fine goods , unless we were prepared to fight the battle with energy we should lose it . He said this without any unkindly feeling towards the operatires . If they could obtain better prices for their labour entitled to obtain it
trey were , bat let them not , wnue they were making their own bargains , endeavour to prevent their neighbours from making one also . They had a right to sell their own labour , tut they had no right to send demagogues np and down the country , endeavouring to set the masters against the men , to create an unkindly feeling where there should be nothing but kindness , and attempting , in fact , if they were allowed to continuo tliese proceedings , to upset the whole manufacturing system . It was a delicate ground to touch upon , bnt he must refer the origin of sack men to the agitation for tie Ten Hours' Bill . He believed the promoters of that agitation were actuated by the best of motives , but it was a severe attack upon capital , from which the manufacturers had had great difficulty in recovering
themselves and maintaining their ground . There had been other attacks upon capital , for the tendency of legislation tad been in that direction . While the operatives had been relieved from taxation on every article of domestic consumption to make up the deficiency thus occasioned , new burdens had been imposed upon capital in the shape of income-tax , and in other forms , all which was so much taken from the lower and middle classes to be laid on the shoulders « f the capitalists . If this system was to go on . capital ¦ would have more than it could bear , and would seek vent and occupation in lands where it had more respect . He-had himself , as well as other gentlemen , bad application made to
hun to commence works out of this country . He had had a Tery flattering offer of something of that kind , and he had no doubt that he could employ his capital , if he were un-Englishman enough to do so , to more advantage abroad than he could employ it here ; but at all events , at his time of life , such things vrere out of the question . He should never remove one single iota of capital from operation hi this country , but he -wrould tell the workpeople , and he would have them consider it seriously , that if capital became more unfavourable in this country by their oppression of it , the tendency would certainly be to remove it to lands where it could be employed to greater advantage . "
With respect to the war to which all now look forward , Mr . Turner gave patriotic advice to the middle classes which may be needed for aught we know * . * ¦ ¦ > " There was one other subject to which he would advert before sitting down . We had had for some time rumours of war . It was a new cry in this- country , and on « which it was very much to be lamented to have raised among us . This country , he was sure , and the Government of this country , had shown wonderful forbearance in endeavouring to stave off any possibility of our being engaged in war . Some people thought the Government had been rather too cautious , too dilatory in their proceedings . How that might
be ne knew not , out he was quite willing to attribute only the best motives j for certainl y "war in any form would bo a most disastrous event , both for the . comfort of this country and the comfort of the country in which it might be carried on . We scarcely knew what vrar was in this country , and long might it be before we had it located on these snores ! It would be disastrous whenever it took place , for lie believed we little knew , and h « thought oar opponents , if we were to have opponents , little knew the strength and the power which could be pat forth when England was really roused to use the resources which she possessed . He hoped that , if we were drawn into that position , we should not use our power ineffectually , but that we should use it strongly , and that every effort -would be made for carrying on the war with vigour , so that it might speedily end ; and he hoped that , as there were duties on the part of Government to carry on the war vigorously and strongly to maintain the
dignity ot this country , so he hoped that the people at large would never begrudge the expense necessary to be incurred for that purpose . He was now speaking among merchants and manufacturers , who , with their operatives , were likely to suffer as much as anybody ; but , as this coantry had carried on wars , perhaps less nocessary and less justifiable , on former occasions , with patience and with endurance of many evils uncomplaining , so he hoped that the merchants he now saw around him would not embarrass the Government by unnecessary complaints of the expense incurred , but submit with proper patriotism to any evihj , any state of things which war might bring upon them . " We are happy to add that these views were applauded by the commercial men present . Let us hope that the politicians , meeting next week , will show equal patriotism .
** Lately , " he said , " there seems to have sprung up a sort of jealousy—a kind of antagonist feeling , among the operatives against capitalists , under the impression that they were obtaining all the Benefits arising from trade , while the operative was unduly rewarded , or crushed down . That masters had accumulated money was true ; they would not have invested their money in large establishments , or devoted their own industry to the management of them , unless they had the opportunity thereby of accumulating more money . But the operatives were mistaken if they thought they had not their snare of the advantages of such a system . It was an error to suppose that because a master , might have made 3000 / . or 4000 Z . a year by his manufactory , that he owed his fortune
to the operatives . It bad been done by embarking money in it—by giving assiduous attention to its management , and by skill ; and while he has been doing so , it must be observed that he had not only been , benefiting himself , but he had been placing comfort within the reach of thousands of workmen . ( Applause . ) By doing so he had placed such comforts within th « reach of many who , if they had used it with the economy and wisdom their employers exercised , had the opportunity of raising themselves to the-position of masters themselves . He made no doubt but that there were few establishments in this country where a master had accumulated money , or gained for liimself a profit , in which the workmen , if they had chosen to be economical , might not accumulate money ; for see what they had done b of
y way accumulating money when they had an object to gain by it . Now he was Bure there was , aud ever would be , in this country , a determined spirit to put down tyranny , Times had been when wo had bad to put dowi ^ jpgal tyranny ; and times had been when we had put down aristocratic tyranny ; and if ever the time camo -when we should require to put down democratic tyranny , he did not doubt lut tho same spirit and disposition would bo found to exist . ( Applause . ) If this were not done the result would be , that as laibour was driven from Ireland by those who ought to have fostered and encouraged it , so he believed capital would be driven from this country by the arbitrary conduct of the operatives .
He spoke from his own experience and what had been observed by others when ho said , that there was a close contest between the masters of this country and those of Amorioa , and of Germany , Franco , and Switzerland , and many other countries , for tho possession of the market ; and that tho time was come when wajnust work nssiduouBly to maintain our present position . Ho bad samples laid before him last week by a gentleman most able to judge—whose name , if ho were to mention it , would have great weight—showing that the Americans were progresaing with rapid strides in cotton manufactures , and that they were making most beuutiful cloth not only of tho coarser description but of fine fubric , and that there was nothing to prevent them paawing us , except that labour was a little dearer there than Jicre . hi «
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EDUCATION AND STRIKES . Whatever may bo devised as a cure for strikes , it must be clear to all that one great means of arriving at that desirable result is education . Looked at from this point of view , as vrell as for its own sake , we record , with satisfaction , the establishment of a " Trade School" at Padiham , chiefly through the exertions of JSir James Kay Shuttleworth . L , ast week ho inaugurated tho school by giving a teaparty , in tho dining-hall of his family seat , to a large number of persons . . And after tea he made a Jong speech , from which we cut several extracts , of interest at this period , and backing up the statements of Mr . Turner at Manchester . Sir James treated of the strikes , and ia doing so described the
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or chapel are jnst those parties above all that it is most important to reach through a school organisation . " How are you to give education to this mass of heathenism through your religious organisations ? It is answered , voluntaryism ; bet have you any hold upon voluntaryism ? Have you any right to expect that the members of different denominations should be so imbued with a sense of duty as to go out of the circle of their religious congregations , and find those people who never go to church at all ? Do they recognise this duty ? Where are they ? Let me see them . Let me see this voluntary principle embodied in a tangible shape . Where is the man who wHl do this ? Let me see him . I know no such recognised principle . It is a phantom .
It escapes yon when you want it , and you want it everywhere . Then comes the other question . Admitting that if you establish good schools and offer secular education gratis , the people will send their children wheTe they will get a good education that will help them forward in their temporal career ; assuming this , then arises another question ; and we have it constantly thrust in oar facesare we going to promote infidelity and irreligion among the people by establishing secular schools ? Why , I say , what is th « present state of things ? I hurl back the facts in the faces of those voluntary gentlemen who won ' t let us hive education out of the pale ef then- religious , voluntary agency . Bnt I go further , and say the verv first steD towards brinciner such classes of neonle
as these within , the . walls of churches and chapels , and the very likeliest step to take them there , is by first of all tempting the children of those people to go to schools and acquire some knowledge . I am convinced that in the people of this country that inattention to religious ordinances does not arise from an active spirit' of the theological scepticism . It is not specticism at all , it is ignorance , it is apathy , it is what Dr . Hook sajs , lying a-bed and not feeling a disposition to rise nutil after dinner , and to resort for stimulus , not to the inspirations of the pulpit , but to the stimulus of . the senses derived from the pnblic-house . I don't believe in the
existence of any active sceptism in this country . I don't believe in the existence of a sect of sceptics in this country ; and I believe , if there be a body of men who , as politicians , think they might propagate Sceptism amongst us , they are & clique that might pe put into any drawing-room , and be as harmless a clique as ever any drawing-room contained . ( Laughter and applause . ) Yet we are told " that by gathering together such materials as these in our secular schools , we shall be promoting infidelity . " Dr . M'Kerrowand Dr . Watts addressed the meeting , and the prodeedings were kept up to a late hour .
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52 THE LEADER . [ Saturday , — — ¦ ^ __^ ;_ j ; ; ; ^ tj ^_! ! J ; - ^_ l ^_^_ lul : : _ . ' ' j . - ^^ " '— - ¦¦ ¦ ¦¦¦ ' ¦ t ~ ¦ - . — ¦ ¦¦ - --- ¦—— - ¦ - — — ¦¦ - ¦¦¦ - , - . . . . * ,, _
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 21, 1854, page 52, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2022/page/4/
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