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have just mentioned , stating that her Majesty was hardly likely to attend to thoso points which the kings her predecessors had ,, it is but right that his Royal Highness , with respect to general questions which might tend to improve the army , should pay attention to them . " Lord John also showed that Prince Albert had nothing whatever to do with the resignation of Sir George Brown ; that the Prince never corresponded with foreign Ministers ; and that when one Minister once wrote to him , he sent the letter to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs , to know what answer he should send . Xord John concluded by a glowing description of the domestic happiness of the Queen and Prince , and of the comfort they flnd in communicating with one another . After a few words from Mr . Walpolje the Address
was agreed to , and the House adjourned . In the House of Lords the debate was sharper and more personal , and ended in an altercation . The Earl of CABNABVON . vrho moved the Address , made an elegant and sensible speech , treating of all the topics in the Royal oration , and making some spirited comments . He pointed out , too , the great prosperity of the country . " And now , after nearly forty years of peace and prosperity , it seemed , at last , that we must gaze on War face to face ; "but if this should be bo indeed , we might console ourselves that he came to us an unbidden and unwelcome guest—tliat every effort had been strained , to avert his
approach—and that we had not drawn the sword until diplomacy hai exhausted every art , and forbearance could no longer be a virtue . Bat if that forbearance had been unprecedented , so were the resources with which we were prcpared to meet this emergency . Our patience , even if abused , had not been thrown away ; for we should stand acquitted of all precipitancy and eagerness for war , not only before the great tribunal of present times , but in the eyes of future ages , when they snail review this page of our history . Nor could it be attributed to any unworthy motive , but an honourable reluctance to precipitate a contest—the reluctance of a great Ration , conscious of its own strength . If eventually our efforts should meet with the success they d « serve , and be rewarded by a lasting peace , they would receive the full approbation o £ the country , aad-we should exhibit another
example in history of a Fabian policy being the resuscitation of the state . ^ He , did not believe that a long peace had enervated our rationed vigour . Whatever might be the occasion totgfl them forth , he was convinced that England was rich enough in heroes , and that a second race of warriors would arise—another Wellington , another Beresford , another Exmoutb , and another Nelson . 7 He could not believe that the energy which had made / us victorious in the past lay buried n « w in the tomb of our great and immortal hero whose loss we had so lately deplored . The armies which he had organised—the discipline which he had established—and the precepts which he had given , still remained ; and amongst those precepts there was none more deserving of our attention than tne ma-ginn that a great state could not deal with a little war . "
Lord DccrE seconded the . address , but he * , wa barely beard . Then followed Lord Clanricxrde , complaining bitterly of the Government for not having adopted more vigorous measures ; for not having supplied information ; for not , even now , telling the nation whether it was engaged in war or not ! Vacillation and weakness had characterised the measures of the Government . They had known long ago what were the intentions of Jtussia ; and if they did not , why not have put a direct question ? An evasive answer would have shown what should be done .
Lord Clabendon said the speech of Lord Clanricarde was only another proof of the inconvenience of withholding information . Government felt that it could net depart from the ordinary rule ; it might have benefited the Minister , but it would have injured the interest of peace . It was said Government had abjectly determined to avoid war ; true , he was neither afraid nor ashamed to say that peace was their object ; that they were prepared to make any sacrifice for peace short of national honour ; for if war ensued it would be without parallel—Europe would be a battle-field of contending opinions . But if war ensued , never was the tranquillity of the world more wantonly disturbed : never did it more
become France and England to oppose aggression . Early last year the Emperor of Russia had given solemn direct assurances that his policy was peaceful ; up to April last there was no reason to suspect that more was intended than the settlement of the dispute about the holy places ; and only after that settlement was complete did the designs of Russia become visible . When Russia crossed the Frutb , although that act was a , casus belli , Turkey did not act upon it , nor England , on the supposition the Czar only intended to keep a momentary hold of the Princjp . alitie 8 . Besides , the Sultan was quite unprepared ; the Russians might have marched to Constantinople ; and the delay secured Prussia and Austria .
between the two Governments than is to be found among the members of the Same Cabinet . ( Hear , and great laughter . ) \ mean such differences of opinion as only increased their mutual respect . " Speaking of the late negotiations , he said : ~ " That , whatever the result of the war might be , there should be no changes in territorial boundaries . They adopted a collective note ; asking the Porte upon what terms it was prepared to negotiate . When that note arrived at Constantinople other bases of negotiation had been presented for the consideration of the Porte by the representatives of the Four Powers , and those representatives , in the exercise of a sound discretion , did not present the other note . The answer of the Porte by the representatives was sent to Vienna
, and was entirely approved of by the Four Powers , who recorded their opinions that the terms were reasonable , and such as Russia should accept ; in other words , they proclaimed , ' If Russia does not accept them , she is the sole obstacle to peace , and she must be held responsible fox all the dangers , consequent from her refusal . ' That is the present state of affairs as regards negotiations . No answer has yet been received from St . Petersburg , although I shall be inclined to agree with my noble Friend that such fair and reasonable terms as those proposed by the Porte are not likely to be accepted , but as yet we have no answer . Notwithstanding , my lords , the negotiations which were going on , yet when that horrible disaster at Sinope happened—
when a Turkish fleet , not having been employed as has been said in Russian papers , in carrying troops to attack Russian forts , or to assist the Circassians , but simply lying peaceably in the harbour , having been many days before expected at Constantinople upon tbeir return—when this fleet was do stroyed ha a barbarous manner , her Majesty ' s Government then , in conjunction with the French Government , determined at once to protect not only the territory—for instruction to protect the Turkish territory had been given two or three mouths before—bub it was determined to extend that protection to the Turkish fleets , and accordingly notice to that effect was sent to the Russian Government and the Bussian admiral . "
Lord Malmesbxtby made a speech , complaining bitterly that no information had been given , and that no determined measures had been taken . Lord G-key objecting to both Turks and Russians , and proclaiming the doctrine of non-intervention , said , with great energy , that if we should engage in jcrar , it ought to be carried out with the utmost vigour ; a delaration saluted by thrilling cheers from all sides . Lord Grey urged on the Government the necessity of altering the regulations of both army and navy , so that young and able men might have commands .
" The calamities of war would be the less likely to extend if it were carried on , while it did exist , with the utmost energy ; and he hoped there would be no shrinking from striking the heaviest blows they could inflict upon . Russia in every quarter where she might be found most vulnerable . ( Hear , hear . ) He hoped her Majesty's Government hai already considered and determined upon the measures they were to adopt . He hoped especially that they had considered and were prepared to deal with those defects which a long peace could not but have introduced into our naval and military services . ( Hear ., hear . ~\ There was one point which especially seemed to him of the most paramount importance , and he trusted some regulation would be adopted by which
the honour of the British arms and the interests and safety of the country might be confided to officers in command who were still in the vigour of their age . ( Bear , hear , from the Ministerial bench . ) ' Their lordships were no doubt aware that tinder the present regulation of tne British servicewhich differed in this respect from every other servica in Europe—there were no means whatever of bringing forward officers to cominand , of the rank of general or flag officers , by selection . In the junior ranks of the service the Admiralty and Commander-in-Chief had the means of bringing forward , according to their judgment , officers who distinguished themselves in their profession ; but when in the navy an officer had become post-captain , " and when in the army he
had become a full colonel , from that moment , according to the present practice of the service , there were no means whatever of advancing him to the rank of a major general or a flag officer . The consequence was that , in a long peace , and with slow promotion , even those officers who Had been most fortunate in rising rapidly through the lower grades of their profession , could hardly expect to attain the rank of a general officer under fifty years of age . Indeed , he doubted whether at this moment they had a bingle general officer so young , and certainly a very great majority of our general officers did not attain that rank till they reached a far later period o « f life . "
Earl Grey urged Ministers to abandon refcrm . The moment is unsuitable to launch such a great question . Lord Derby could not be nltogether silent at such an awful crisis as the present . But before he went into the Eastern question lie slightly passed over the topic of university reform . No doubt the discipline and studies of those universities required alteration , and a strong opinion in favour ot improvement prevailed there . But those alterations would be more beneficial if mado cautiously and prudently . Let Government abolish the mischievous oaths by wliich
the existing bodies bind themselves not to alter the statutes . Grant that it is desirable to open fellowships to competition ; they are in no sense the property of the country ; they are not even the absolute property of the universities ; they axe trusts . Pointing out the omission of education—one of the subjects dwelt on by the Government when they came into office —also all mention of the United States , the treaty which opened the Kiver l'late , and the treaty vith Equndor , he came at length to that subject , the importunce and gravity of which cannot be overraited —tlio state of our relutions with Russia . On that
Well , then , it was not Sir B . Peel , but Lord Melbourne and xnyself who advised ( and we thought we were acting in the full spirit of the constitution in giving that advice ) that his Stoyal Highness should be fully informed with respect to all sJmirs ot a national interest . But did Lord Melbourne , token he went out of office , consider there was no advantage in her Majesty having that counsel ? Be it remembered fbat Lord Melbourne took on himself , at the accession of the Qtieen : dnring her youth , to give advice on every subject that Gamebefore ier Majesty . At the time when Sir R . Peel accepted the reins of office , her Majesty had been already It an the of
O ^ trBed . was 30 th August , 1841 , that Lord Ui $ 6 urne wrote to her Majesty in these terms : — ^ * Aug . 30 , 1841 . —Lord Melbournecannot satisfy himself irithout again stating to your Majesty in writing wlat he Bap the honour of saying to your Majesty respecting his fiayal Highness the Prince . Xord Melbourne has farmed ffco ^ 'higheat opinion' of his Royal HigBness's judgment , tenapjepTjJand discretion ^ and he cannot but feel a great conriolat ^ oh ; and security in the reflection that he leaves your Hajesty in s situation in which your Majesty has the innt ^ ntkabi&advantage of such advice and assistance . Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better tbjintb have recourse to it when it is needed , and to rely fi ^ in it with confidence . ' teasers . ) Such was the opinion which Lord Melbourne had fnrimmA '* 3 t \\\ a-fttw *\ YTtfrtinoca ' H ahilitw Mitt ftliarxmtttr ' anrl T
l ^ y ^ saVUiat no one who ever had any intercourse with his Boyal " Highness c 4 uld form any other opinion , bat must impreciate most highly the judgment and ability of that lustinguished personage . These are observations wliich I anv ^ aUoPon to male , for , be it recollected , I am now speaking ^ defence ofV Prince near the throne , who has been injar ^ byiutpnymoTis scandal—( cheer *)—and this is tne first dnjmrtuiuty fie 1 has authorised any communication to be in * de . i' ( jfenewty cheertJ ) His royal Highness then contx ^ e ^ in tfie ^ ositi « n I have mentioned , giving advice to her Majwty whenever 5 t was needed ; and assisting her Majesty ^ MiBTOyar ; she * tUbngnt assistance Tequired ; yet the most
constitutional deference was at the same time paid to the advice of the Ministers . And be it observed , though it may I&to lwppened in the course of the reign of the Princes of tfie House of Hanover , that Ministers nave been obliged to fesigtf . because th « y could not ^ gree to something that JmeiSbv ' ereign proposed , or because they were obliged to i |^|^ a ( fl ^ e , «|[ en 1 was not acceptable to the Sovereign ; ^^ m the 1 r « % n of the present Queen , the administrations uVe ^" always ceased " in ^ -consequence of a vote of tlna ' ( i House . ( CAeers . ) During ihy administration there occurred a case in which bis Royal High' /¦ iH ^ iptt ^ iifeiBiu to consider lis position , and to 13 otlrnune wbat Be should do with respect to a profiosal that was made , I had some correspondence . with the « hiie ( Sf Wellington at the time when tne office of Adiuuenerai vacant tne iraae 01 went
canx ^ was ; ana Wellington . ^ pVindsqr and informed Prince Albert that it was Jus cmnucm that it would be a great advantage to the army , if , iftiex nurdeath , his Boyal Highness were placed by h « r MajelfrMi the positiom 61 Commander-in-Chief . The Dolce of Weuington ' said , that he bad thought much on it—that all li ^ M fi ^ JfTfgR iMifl wishes were for the good administration of . fteiurmy—that the army peculiarly belonged to the Crown , ji ^ ib at . - ' lie' 'ilia not think its interests could in anyway ^ so well orred for as in the case that Prince Albert would consent to be his successor . The Duke added that he pruned to have a decision on the subject , because ha would make such , arrangements with respect to the office of Adjutant-General , and other offices at the Horse Guards , as -would give to his Boyal Highness all the
assistance he would require . Prince Albert could not but eel it a great compliment to be told by the Duke of Wellington that he was a proper person to succeed nun in th « cominand of the arnoy , but , after some reflection , he informed the Duke of Wellington that he considered his place was tol > e always near the Queen ; that he thought he ought to identify himself with her position and her interests , and that he would depart from that attitude if he sought to have any separate office of his own , more especially the important office of Commander-in-Chief , and thereby become responsible for other duties , and the exercise of other vowers than those which her , HSjerity had to perform . ZCkeer * . } Immediatelv after * M ^ aniiwer was riven I had
the honour of an interview with % * ffioyal Highness , when lie read to me a letter he had written * to the Duke of Wellington , and I expressed my opinion that his Boyal Highness liad judged most rightly , and had correctly viewed his position . I think there were other reasons besides irhy Prince Albert should not have held the office of Comtnander > in-Chief ; but it was quite unnecessary to state them , the reasons given by his Boyal Highness being quite sufficient , and they showed that , while he conflulered that he ought not to be Commander-in-Chief , he likewise considered whether he could not be aid and assistance to her Majesty , and felt that lie was bound to give his -Whole mind , intelligence , zeal , and ability to that object .
fjCyieeNfc ^ i / With regard to the charges made against hia lioyaFif ) $$ hess , many of them are too frivolous to be worth attention , being mere straws , which appeared one day and disappeared the neat . But now , having explained the general position of the Prince—a position of the greatest importance —I shall mention some ofthe charges which have been made against him with wspect to different branches of the public service . With respect to the army in particular , it has been stated that his Royal Highness has fceen in the habit ef constantly interfering . Now . I should 9 ay that when tho Duke of Wellington requested the decision of Prince Albert on the suggestion he had made , he at the same time said that it was notlikely that the Queen Bhould attend personally to the details of tho militajy Bervico , but ho hoped that his Royal Highness would always give his attention to anything that aBected the state and efficiency of tie army . This his Koyal Highness has done with respect to any general questions Which he thought affected its atato and efficiency ; but with respect to the ordinary business of the Uorae Guards , and With respect to patronage , there lie has never in any way interfered . 1 think the House will ucree with mo , however , thftt after the Duke of Wellington iad made tho request I
"And , my lords , as the individual wlio has had most frequent experience , I trust your lordships wil ! not think it out of place if I bear my humble testimony to the straightforward , frank , and perfectly honourable conduct oi tho French Government . ( Loud cheers . ) Th « t policy lias been most ablj and faithfully represented hero by his Majcwty tlio Emperor ' s ambassador in London , / l'ho two Governments have been in daily , I may almost say hourly , communication . They have formed , as it were , ono Cabinet , and I can assure nay noblo friend that there never wna inoro ( J iflforonce
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100 THE LEADER . [ Sat u rday ,
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 4, 1854, page 100, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2024/page/4/
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