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point the language of the speech is not clear . Are we at war ; if so , with whom ? What are we doing in the Black Sea—is not that virtually a state of war ? 44 I do not blame her Majesty ' s Government for having nsed their best efforts to preserve peace and prevent the calamity of war . There is no man , not even the noble earl himself , who looks with more apprehension and horror at war than I do . I mean that apprehension which every man must feel when contemplating the troubles arising from a state of warfare , and when reflecting that war rnust ever be accompanied with great calamities to the human race . No man . * o contemplating it lools at war with greater apprehension and abhorrence than I do . I do not therefore complain at the Government having tried to avert war , but I do
complain—as far as my information goes ( and I should be convinced by a perusal of the papers , one way or the other)—that the means taken by her Majesty ' s Government were not the only or the best means to effect their object , but that they were the means best calculated inevitabl j to thwart it . ( Cneers / rom the Opposition . ' ) The noble earl lias said that it is not desirable that this country should adopt the language or assume the attitude of suspicion towards Bussia . My lords , if there is any country towards whom it is desirable that England should not adopt an attitude attended with suspicion , that very country is Russia . But , oa the other hand , there is no country in the world with whom , while we should not conduct our policy with suspicion , it is more essential that we should deal with a frank , open , and lucid
declaration of that which w « will allow , and of tbat which we will not allow : of that which we intend to do , and of that which w « will not allow to be done . Thea would the ambitious and aggressive : spirit of Russia be met by the vitjonr of England ' s resistance . The whole policy of Russia for the last 150 years has been a policy- of gradual aggression . It has at one time been by media-tion , then by ottering , assistance to whatever party would accept it , then by tendering to that patty its protection till shre had one by one got all these States under its influence and finally absorb them into one gigantic empire . It is in tha . t way Russia has succeeded in becoming the power she is . That has been , the one course which Russia has invariably pursued . But if at an early period the Emperor of Russia had been
made clearly to understand that hi attempting to carry that policy into effect he would have had to meet the unhesitating and unflinching opposition , morally and physically , of Franc * and England combined , my opinion is that he never would have taken the steps he has done . I think the Emperor of Russia has great cause of complaint . I think hex Majesty ' s Government has deceived and deluded him with regard to the coarse he might have expected them to pursue . I don ' t say tbat this has been intentionally done by her Majesty ' s Government . I pass o » rer what my noble mead behind me h&s said ; nevertheless ^ there was a great deal of truth in it ; for an effect mast have been produced in the mind of th « Emperor of Russia , in the course of the last year , by the constant , the incessant denunciations
of a portion of the press encouraged by the peculiar favours of the noble earL ( A laugh by the Earl of Aberdeen . ) If the noble earl says no , I will * how why I tear it a so . I am far from desiring to affix to any political party all the expressions or all the errors that might be used or committed by the newspapers which generally support the policy of that party ; out , my lords , I must draw an exception when I find one peculiar newspaper is intrusted by her Majesty ' s Government with a letter—with an important paper which one fortnight before that Government had refused to lay before Parliament on the ground that there was public danger in producing such a document . When , too , I find that same newspaper , upon , a most extraordinary and remarkable occasion , announcing the fact , not only unknown to his colleagues , but unknown even to his Sovereign , of the
resignation of office by on « of the most important members of the Cabinet—when I find , not only the announcement of that fact before its coming to the knowledge of his colleagues , and even before its coming to the knowledge of his Sovereign , but that same newspaper proceed to discuss the Cabinet secrets , and the grounds of difference between the members of the same Cabinet—when I find tbat newspaper loading the Minister whose resignation it had announced with vituperation , supported by references to papers whicli must have been regularly prepared before his resignation was absolutely completed—and when I find that same paper , when it was discovered that the place of tbat JMinister could not be filled up within ten days , afterwards congratulating the Government on retaining among them that able Minister , on riddance from whom it had equally congratulated them a few days before—I say , my lords , when I find such essentially important communications , which could only proceed from the Cabinet itself , I cannot hold the noble lord wholly irresponsible for the language adopted by that newspaper . " Having proceeded in that strain to identify Lord Aberdeen with the Times , Lord Derby came back after a long digression to the question : — " I quite concur in what has been said by a noble lord to-night relative to this subject—namely , t Jiat if we are really to be engaged in a war , it ia now too lute to go 111—uaturedly into the causes which led to it , or to press upon the notice of the country how it could have l > oen avoided if more prudent measures had been adopted , as they ought to have been , by her Majesty ' s Ministers . Wo must look to the war itself , and . provided the object of it be laudable , and th « cause worth fighting for , we must e-nter upon the contest with our might , and , instead of giving way to party feelings and party prejudices , devote ull our energies to strengthen her Majesty ' s hands , and maintain and carry out our work in a manner aud a apirit worthy of our reputation and name . " ( Loud cheer e . ) Lord Derby then commented on the proposed lieform Bill , and threatened a dire opposition to a redistribution of the electoral power adverse to the landed interest ; but ho would support a measure to put a stop to corruption . Referring to the resignation of Lord l ' almerston , Lord l > urby artfully
insinuated that that event had arisen out of a difference between Lord Palm « rston and Lord Aberdeen ; that there must have been either great weakness , or a great compromise of principle ; and , tauntingly asking which was the chief of the Cabinet , he declared the House had a right to know the facts . Lord Aberdeen instantly followed , and met the attacks of his assailant with energy . " My lords , " said he , " the nofcle earl has thought proper to say that the Emperor of Russia has good reason to complain of the Government ; and be has specially directed his observation to me , and has said , that my known reluctance
to engage in a war , and tbe declarations which I haAe made upon that subject , were such as to mislead him and to make him feel that J could never be a party to engaging in hostilities against him . My lords , I am ready to repeat all the declarations I hare ever made against this country engaging in a war against any state , ani certainly against Russia . This country has not unfrequentJy engaged in war in haste , and repented it at leisure . ( Cheers . ) I consider it to be my duty , and the duty of the Government , not to say that , under all circumstances , we will never engage in a war , but to use every possible effort and every endeavour to check a feeling which , I admit , is natural . In the present instance , that popular feeling is one of indignation against what
appears aggression and injustice ; but still it is the duty of the Government to endeavour to restrain within bounds those indignant feelings which we perfectly natnraL My lords , this accusation of the noble earl is an odious one . I must remind your lordships that it is the opinion , not only of moralists , but also of all statesmen , that no war can be justifiable unless it partakes of the nature of a war in self-defence .. _ M y ' opinion of war is snch as I have already said , that I think it the greatest proof of the thorough depnwitv and corruption of human nature that anything so horrible as war should ever be just and lawful ; and , in some cases , all must agree that as well as the greatest calamity war is the utmost folly . Now , my lords , repeating
in tbe strongest terms all that I have ever uttered upon the subject of the horror and detestation I entertain for a state of war , I may admit that there roust be exceptions . No man can pretend that there is any real danger to this country from the war now existing ; yet , as interfering with a proper preservation of the balance of power established in Europe , ' no dbnbt , it might be considered in some sense a war of self-defence , as the relative power of various States must be fixed with a view to the general security . My lords , this is an odious accusation , and it has been repeated over and over' again , and , in truth , I have observed ! that * "the whole censure of the public i ress opposed to her Majesty's Government has
been concentrated upon me ; my noble friend nest to me , who naturally is charged with tiie conduct of these affairs , should have been the prominent person to be remarked upon , but he las passed without observation . ( Laughter . ) When your lordships come to see the volume which will be laid on the table , you will see with what ability and with what zeal my nobfe friend has carried on those negotiations , and how well entitled he is to share the acclamations . ( Laughter . ) It has keen said , and noble lords opposite have said , that I am the tool and instrument of Russia . Now , my lords , it is a singular fact that few persona in this country—few pnblio men I meanhave ever written more , or with more- acrimony-, than myself against the Russian Government . It is true that honourable—I may say , right honourable calumniators in the nnblic nress nave accused me of betravin ? the honour
and interest of this country as I did in 1829 . That is an inconsistent accusation . I am quite ready to take all the responsibility that any one may impose on me for anything that has been done during the present year . If it be true that I" have in the present year betrayed the'honour and interest of the country , I beg to say that I cannot have done it also in the year 1829 . In that year I occupied the station now held by mj noble friend near me , and I served under a man who knew something about the honour and interest of the country , and of his opinions on foreign policy I consider myself to be as good an exponent as any man living , for no man ever enjoyed more entirely his confidence for many years , both in and out of office , or more in daily communication , and I fe « l somewhat fortified at knowing how that great man would have acted . "
Yet he was described as n . sort of Austro-Itussian , when he had no more relation with tlie Austrian Cabinet than with Japan . Austria is our natural ally , so is Russia—but he would not say with Mr . Fox that the Russian alliance was the roost important we could form . He described the vigorous course which Lord Derby blamed the Government for not pursuing as a sort of game of brag he did not like . Had the Government held menacing language to the Emperor of Russia before the Porte declared war , he might have marched to Constantinople , for Turkey was totally unprepared . But if the Emperor of Russia had cause of complaint , so it vas said had the Emperox of France .
" Whatever may be my faults , indifference to a French alliance cannot he said to be ene of them , for whether that alliance be with Charles X . or Louis XVIII ., or the present Emperor , my settled opinion always has be « n , my conduct and policy ulways have ueen , that a French alliance is most desirable for this country . Why , who was the author of that expression which has since passed current—the entente cordude f That phrase waa first used at the time when I was at the Foreign office . " lie stated distinctly that the Vienna note wns told both to the Turkish and Russian Ministers at Vienna , nt the time it was transmitted to St . Ptitereburtf and Constantinople ; that the Queen did know of Lord l ' almorston's resignation bclore it was announced in the Times . Speaking ol Lord Derby lie continued : —
i ^^ v ^ HBi ^ aaBHBB ^^ Bi ^ g ^^^ m ^ M Jtnnfl ^ l ^ V ? ? *? J > nOttnced Ws determination to extract from her Majesty ' s Government all tie particulars connected with that transaction . I hope he has not sethfr heart very strongly upon these same particulars , because he will certainly fail in extracting from me mom tW I think proper to state . I am the last man to deny the cleverness of the noble earl , but he must be a very clever fellow—( laughter )—who will extract fiom me that which I am not disposed to tell him . ( Cheers and laughter . ) Now what are the circumstances of the case ? They are connected withtbe preparation of a measure of Parliamentary reform . A misapprehension took place en the part of ray noble friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department , and under
ttoat apprehension , and in the belief that certain provisions of the measure were finally settled which were not finally settled , he tendered his resignation . Well , explanations took place , and my noble friend-r-I was going to say resumed , but he had never in fact ceased to perform , the duties of Secretary of State , and the country had not had reason to complain that the duties of the office were not regularly and efficiently performed . But if the noble lord thinks he may demand to know all the circumstances of the case , and the means of reconciliation , I deny that he has any right to ask any such question . Had my noble friend left office , then , indeed , he would have been bound to give a full account of
his reasons for so doing . To ba sure , the noble earl opposite may think , with Sir Lucius , that this was a very pretty quarrel as it stood ; but I apprehend that , whether it be in toe Cabinet , or whether it be elsewhere , if a misunderstand * ing or misapprehension take place , which is afterwards re * ccnciled , and the parties act cordially again together , it may be a matter of curiosity , or it may bo a matter of mischief— - ( laughter )—but it is not a legitimate ground for inquiry . ' * Lord Aberdeen then proceeded to refute , the disgraceful scandals about Prince Albert . [ The reader has already seen Lord John Russell ' s account ; they vrere nearly identical . !
Lord Hardehgb corroborated the statement . Prince Albert never interfered at the Horse Guards . He bad nothing to do with tbe resignation of General Brown . " - Here the debate would lave naturally come to an end , but for tbe fact that Lord Aberdeen , in making bis statement about Prince Albert , stated that the press most devoted to Lord Derby ' s party had taken so scandalous a part jn spreading caJumny . Lord Derbt fired up at this hone thrust , and , with acrimony , declared that the Itadical journals were the prime offenders . Lord Aberdeen had no right to insinuate that the Conservative party countenanced these scandals .
Lord Aberdeen said lie had only affirmed that Lord Derby should be the last man in the world to connect anybody with th « press on account of any supposed similarity of opinion expressed ; by that periodical in which the report might have been found . He had not counted the number of days on which the different newspapers had indulged in those abominable and scandalous reports , but he had seen those reports in the newspapers which were received as the organs of the noble earl's party . He said , therefore , the noble earl ought to use caution in charging others with any connexion with the press on account of any supposed similarity of sentiment , and that was all he had said , or meant to say .
Earl Derby said the noble earl still imputed those odious slanders to the Conservative newspapers ,, notwithstanding that they had their origin and propagation in newspapers connected with , extreme liberal opinions . They might have been copied into those other newspapers on which they were charged . He could say for one of them , that he lad seen them there with deep regret , and for the other , he had not seen it at all . Lord Haebowbt affirmed that some Conservative gentlemen of Btanding should have , checked those reports in the Conservative papers ; Vhereuppn Lord Malmesburt fiercely charged him with making the most offensive of speeches— " he has charged me and my noble friends with connexion with the press . " ( Hoars of laughter . ) The address was agreed to .
Sewers Commission . Lord Palmers ton has announced a bill to reconstruct the Sewers Commission , on the principle of local administration . Public Business . On the first day of the session , Mr . Hayter made the following announcements of tbe order of introducing the Government measures : — 41 To-monw , " he said , " tlie Chancellor of the Exohequer , in a committee of the whole House , would move for leave to bring in a bill to alter tbo mode of proceeding in regard to certain expenaes now charged on the inland revenue and thi consolidated fund . At the jamo time and on the same day the right hon . gentleman would move for leave to bring in & bill to-amend tbe act of last session relating to the duties on assesaod taxes . On Friday the President of the Beard of Trade would , in a committeo of the wholo House , move for leave to bring in a bill to admit foreign ships to the coasting trade . And on the same day the ri ^ ht hon . gentleman would also move for leave to !> r } ng in a bill to consolidate and amend the law relating to tho merohant . shipping . On Monday , Feb . 6 , the noble lord the member for the City of London would move for a committee of the whole Houso on the subject of the oatlis of allegiance , supremacy , and abjuration . Oh Friday , February 10 , the noblo lord would move for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate and amend the law relating to bribery , treating , and tha cxerciao of unduo
Untitled Article
February 4 , 1854 . ] " THE LEADER . 101
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 4, 1854, page 101, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2024/page/5/
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