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Untitled Article
Such are commercial morals , when they descend to test everything by the mere "higgling of the market . " Observation , -with its extensive view * surveying mankind from Cape Town to—Pegu , will find the same ' propensity in mere traders , who have been netting profits by sending gunpowder to Cafrres or Cossacks . Luck ^ y , however , England ^ andvh ^ ^ ayetBtnent . ten ® mother objects just now th ^ n ^ hoae of comiii&ree , and posterity -will have cause « to thank her \ fiir snot consenting tamely to beconie the menial < if'the world , then to be sold a * p | hei slave of
detpota day too soon . ' ^"' Napoleon III . has also been issuing his missives . His letter to the Czar , intended as much to show Europe and France -how the -writer- washed his hands of the Coiisequences of the -war -which Nicholas provokev ^ has caHed forth a contemptuous answer froia that arrogant and doomed potentate . The Moniteur publishes an article , official ill its character , declaring that those who try toidisturb Governments in alliance with . France . ^ lil ^ e regarded * -4 a -opposed to the interests of toat' power , and that while tbe flag of Atistria in
floats by ? feth * t ^ of durance ithe \ East , attempts canntyt fee-permitted to separate the two on the Alps ., The article fells three ways : it is a . threat to Greei ^ -t ^ j ^ fr ^^ Russian intrigues ; a warning to > J ^ tfsi ^ a feSl keep her nag : by thie ^ ide 6 f' ^^ 'W- ^ 0 ^ be ^ a iint to the Italians npt jfco embarrass a fifie » cUyJGcQr « rnmentby premature movements . . - - Ajiotjier ^ tate-ipaper—a ^ ote by M . Drouyn de Lhuys , addressed to the French representative at the'Courls of Saxony anil Saxe-Coburff Gofha ,
the tremendous ecclesiastical questions , the veiy name of which is > dreaded . The nSgjjorijy of iheiniiependent Liberal Members have taken some , painsto come to aa Tinderstanding on the sd ^ ject otfihe Refor m Bill , and . their conclusion apjpeaf s to us to be praiseworthy . At a meeting convenes by M > . Hume , -while the frcestexpresaon was ^ iven to obJBCtions on particular rpoints , "it -vws resolved to supjptfrt the measutae ^ as la ^ nrhoLe ^ seefidk so * o . fseek anattadment as not "to dntlanger tfee ^ entieetbill . Exanstly tlse same dispostifflln was .
sko * vn * t aa numerous aad important naeiting of tljfe > eowwcll of ^ the JSTatixmal Reform Jteissfciatio& ^ whera' ^ ir Joshua > Ip Wali » sley , Mr . W . J . Fox /' Mr . Le Blond , and other gentlemen , expressed anxiety that -the extended franchise which the measure wouEl confer should not "be ^ en&angeretl by "tfae endeavxrarr'to procure alteration on points of detail , fit appears to l > e generally agreed to support the second reading , and in the manner of seeking specific amendments to avoid risking tlie fate of the whole .. Mr . Bright , however , -we
understand , declares himself a dissentient . As a man of peace , no doubt , he resists half measures and distrusts concessions . Cheap is the valour-of the man whose flagis " All or none" at home , and " Peace at any price " -abroad . Yet , on the whole , it is satisfactory to see how the disposition to come to an agreement on things that can be done to improve our position , internally or externally , is extending under the impulse of a more stirring time . It may be said that sectional feelings are merging in tie national . Ideas of popular pTogress , theoretical notions c * f systematic re-organisa tion , ultra-Conservative mistrust of the people ,
uTfcra-Whiggish reliance in traditional compromises , ultra-official tricks to evade publicmeasurres by pretended concessions , appear to be yielding to the general disposition to do justice all round ; and , on lieu of being "Wligs , Tories , Radicals , or Democrats , wft seem to lave become , at least for the time , English . ' 'Possibly w « may ascribe to that better spirit the disposition shown in Lancashire—slowly enough , no doubt—to let the quarrel about wages die away . At- present the masters are doing more than the men in the waty of concession , and "the number of mills at work is increased . Tra . de
generally continues sound , not materially interrupted by -warlike proceedings ; no « r will it tteed to be so at all , v « rfully believe , unless our Qovemment should make the deplorable mistake of embroiling us with some great maritime nation at present friendly . The extended movement to improve the dwellings of the industrious classes is one of the modes in 'which the -wealthier classes may serve those who are poor , pending larger questions of national enfranchisement . Next to letting the working
class legislate for themselves , the best thing is to legislate in their interest , or to act for their benefit . To let improvement of towns be improved comfort for the poor , to rnee industry and partnership from restrict ions now maintained on behalf of capital , to make a beginning in the direct representation of the working class —are proceedings which will not only somewhat stay the appetite for larger measures , but will powerfully contribute to soften the shock . of the change when the day shall come—an < L we trust that it is not far distant —•¦ for giving to the w , orking classes their full right without stint , abatement , or qualification ,
< totttr « &iets reports ^ that-the Kimgof the'Belgians bad ^ tempted , rathetihterestsof { Russia , to ^ divide France ^ nd , £ ^ ig j and ; , avow 3-tiie most iriendly feeling on the ^ j » art of the Emperor Napoleon to ffie "C 6 ar ^ . in "quesiion "; and expresses his cpnfi-, fi StiM * % to ; iffvj&ty oT tf £ fetches of the ; Goburg jfamily , ' Tfeth -an 'fespje&ralfy affectionate aUusina cto "lifae Sling 6 f the ^ Belgians , as by his age and experience the chief of that family . - W& jnust revert to Parliament , —iwiefly ,. aK though it has been discussing other important Subiecta besides fhVEast . * the motion bv Mr . ofthe
Aaderl ^ fcir tnB ^ exsonHTeaffiiig TOsrichester and ^ Sorft Education » Bill—an attempt , under the guise of a private measure , to swamp the secular educationists by forcing the scheme of Bishop ^ Eee and his coadjutors in the Manchester attdjSaTfbrd Association upon tie reluctant city ,- ^ - - wiafr ^ ttfet ; bylHfr . " ^ l 11 ner"Gibson , with a technical Objection f to the fbrm olf sucha proceeding , and "with ^ aiwibstantial objection to the sectarian element stilllurking . in the scheme . Ministers agreed
as to the informality , and the Bill was thrown out . In the brief discussion , it dearly came out that the , difficulties of agreeing upon a sche * ne were likely-at present toire insuperable . The Scotch iEdiw ; ation Bill , introduced by the Lord ^ Advocate , Us ^ another teat of the practicabJity of any fgeneeal plan : th « Scotch peremptorily call on Government to settle differences which they cannot settle among themselves ; but no sotftfer is the measure explained , than out fly a swarm of ^ Scotch hinted objections .
The conduct of Heads of Houses at Oxford has been ludicrous . They appeal 1 , just as Oovernmentis about to ' remodel their University , to have started up to the idea that reform is really comings ; and , unable to prevent it , they suddenly concoct * scheme to keep things virtually as they art * call it a " reform , " and put it into a petition to Government , asking Government to « o / i-reform them in the manner proposed I Government rc ^
plies that the , petition cannot be gran-te ^ k l / ord Berbvi , advises th ^ Heads , nevertheless , to proceed , tovjafet'la majority in Convocation-in suppo-ft of the petition , and so to go into Parliament with something like to case . In order to ejirry out this suggestion , still acting under the advice of the Chancellor , the lost Heads endeavour to keep Government ' s refusal secret , and so to get from Convocation , the sanction for a scheme already doomed . The story , however , had got wind , and from what
passed m Parliament on Thwoday , it is evident that Government continues io disregard the Oxford trick , and to go on with its own scheme , no doubt comprising an elective " Caput "—whether with a Congregation also , remains yot to le seen . Oxford , however , is obstinate , and it is expected that jf the Government Bill he liberal the turned Heads -will get up petitions against every irnportan clause . Those doomed Heads indeed i ' vol that behind tnie minor question of constitution loom
Untitled Article
THE PA ^ TJIAMENT OF THE WEEK . Tke first deT > ate on the Eastern question in the House of Commons was brought to a close , on Monday , Without any division or the formal record of any opinion whatever . Last week , the stirring sentences that closed the speech of Lord John Russell had cut thre ground from under the feet of the regular orators ; but , of course , Mt . Oobdeti smd Mr . Disraeli wxmld have their say . Xord John , on that occasion , only consented to adjourn the debate on receiving the spontaneous promise from Mr . Disrueli that no opposition would be given to the votes of men demanded of the House .
The retrospective talk being thu 3 adjourned , and the business also standing over , Monday night came , and Mr . Cobdbn rose at the outset to make a speech . IIo declared tlmt he wanted to know the object ojf the war , and the means of carrying it out ; for himself , lie was ignorant of both . To as-certain them , ho set out upon a long examination of the despatches , and he arrived at these conclusions , that tlio war arose out of a quarrel about tho holy places between Ituaaia and France , and that wo were going to fight , not li Ice tho hero whose Statue is in Palace-yard , for the Christian against the Mussulman , bub for the Mussulman against the Christian . M iniatcra had brought on the war by nut permitting
Turkey to sign the Tienna note . Having settled these matters to his satisfaction , Mr . Cobdien set aboutf |» oving from the despatches that the ChristrianB ki'XFui&sy are dreadfully oppressed , and that theyjaretjon the verge of revolt . JLasfc year Lord BawnerStan bad said , that during the past thirty years Tlilfk ^ y made more progress in internal improvsefflteiitfcflian any other country during the same ? period . Would lie abide by that opinion now ? W&iy , $ si-I bis " instructions to Lord Stratford , Lord Gforeniltti tadtnitted that though war might cripple iRussia , IflPifcrkev would be irretrievably luined . 'TTImiJ iwift ' nlri tViiiTh n the country that has made
ilpafih - ' progMJSi during ; ithe last thirty years ! And wtith . tins P « wet , " in 3 «| ger of internal dissolution , " according to Lord Claretf&on , England is asked to form an ' alliaHce , " or to use arcommercial simile—to enter into partnership" Why , the grievances of the Christians are driving them to open rebellion . They axe sure to get the upper hand . Would it not have been betterfomsto have taken sides with the Christians , and so have prevented war . If the Christians had votes now , they would all be for th e policy of the Czar .. Mr . Cobden vindicated his views on the ground that they were democratic . The Turkisli Government , he said , does not represent thapopulation of Turkey .
Another aim of Mr . Cobden ' s speech was to show that the exports of Russia to Great Britain « Bd Ireland are more valuable than those of Turkey . Eor this purpose he took , not the official returns , bat estimates made by trustworty persons . They set down the value of Russian exports at lS ^ O jOOOi ,. of which , a part was for grease to make our locomotives go , and a part for linseed used in manufactures * If there were war certain districts would suffer great distress .
Mr . Gobden seemed hurt that Xdrd John Uussell should have « tyled the Emperor of Russia— " the common disturber of the peace "—why all Europe ^ except ^ France and England , is neutral . Is it our mission to-fight the battle of GoBsackisra . "Why are not Austria and Prussia on the alert , if there be all this danger from Russia ? Mr . Cobden protested against sending soldiers , and insisted that vre ought to light with our . navy alone . There is no party in this country ~ who will hesitate to join in a war of justice . But Mr . Cobden thinks that the best thing we can do is to fall back upon the Vienna note , to which he sees no objection—a proposition met by shouts of derisive laughter .
The debate was continued by : Lord Jom JM anneks and Mr . Hohsman , who both agreed to ( repudiate the views of Mr . Cobden with energy ; but who differed as to the past conduct of Ministers ; th « former condemning , the latter approving of ihat conduct . Ministers , Mr . Horsman truly observed , have but to speak as men rather than diplomatists , and the country will cordially support them . Here Mr . Drttmmond enacted a vigorous interlude with his usual quaint humour . He found that the author of the mischief from the very beginning is the
Pope ; that we are going to war whether the milliner shall come from Paris or St . Petersburg to dress the idols at Jerusalem ; and that the -war is a Teligious roar . He aptly said that Mr : Cobden would save a world of trouble if he would perform his promise and crumple up Russia now . Mr . Drummond , with singular logic , concluded , by telling Ministers that if they were determined to ^ o to war to support the infidel Turk , to " go where glory w-aits them "—to strike a blow at the heart of Russia , and , at least , re-establish the Kingdom of Poland . ( Cheers . )
Mr . Isaac Butt defended the Turks , and found fault both with Mr . Cobden and Ministers . Judged ! by their acts , and not by their professions , he said the ' Christians would be found on the right bank of tho Danuie . Mr . Sidnet Herbert stopped the gap in 'the debate , on behalf of the Government , happily iremarking , in allusion to the attacks from Mr . Cobden and Lord John Manners , that Government was between two fires . Ono party said they had : arrived too tardily at the right place , but that they i had taken the wrong road ; another party said that they liad taken the right road at first , but had now arrived at the wrong place . But both declined to ¦ test tlie merits of their arguments by a formal appeal to the House .
Mr . Disraeli now entered the arena , and made a long and ingenious speech , to show that the policy of Ministers has been that either of credulity or connivcnice . He reviewed tho -whole course of the transactions , to show that Ministers had sought ft settlement of the affair by a connivance with the Emperor of Russia . Upon tho hypothcsi . 8 of credulity he could account for nothing ; upon that of connivance all was clear . From tho moment when
Lord Clarendon acceded to oflice , ho had shown a bias in favour of lluusiu . Mr . Disraeli mnd « out that the demands of Russia wero wrong ; but he laboured ' hard to show that Ministers wero , froni ^ D t } O outset , I fully nwaro of tho wholo scope of tho dfemanclS THftde by MenschikorT . lie hinted that tho assurances said to haYo been received from the Emperor of Russia were not in existence , telling tho I louse over and over again that they had not been produced . H ° tried his utmost to lix on Lord Clarendon complicity
Untitled Article
170 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 25, 1854, page 170, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2027/page/2/
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