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as also in France and England ; to the effect that M . Moritz Hartmann , the intellectual poet and correspondent in the East of the Kolnische Zeitung , is in durance vile at Vienna , is totally false . He is still in Turkey . " Notwithstanding this contradiction , however , it will not be felt that the case is yet disposed of , and the Morning Chronicle may rest assured that there is evidence of a very
disagreeable kind . Hartmann is distinguished for his sympathy with the national cause in Germany ; he was a deputy to the Parliament at Frankfort in 1848 ; and he had made himself specially offensive to the Austrian Government by scourging satires on the Archduchess Sophia . He was recently atBucharest , and can no longer be discovered by Ms friends . It is well known that when the Austrians first
entered the Principalities , the officers of that power did interfere with , the inhabitants , did demand the arrest o £ people obnoxious to Austrian nenal law , and probably obtained custody of one or two . The subject was brought before the British Government ; something passed , not , we believe , discreditable either to : our own Ministers , or those of Austria ; and instructions , it is understood , were conveyed to General Hess that the authority of Austrian officers
should ^ % e—limited -to the administration of their own army . It has subsequently been stated , and we believe the statement , that a better understanding prevails between Omar Pacha and General Hess ; and we are not prepared at present to make any direct complaint against the conduct of the Austrian commander . The Austrians , however , have been so long accustomed to domineer on the frontier , that where they have not formed sympathetic friendships across the border , as
they have sometimes done in Illyria and Croatia , they have been in the habit of riding roughshod over the inoffensive ; and whatever may be the liberal feeling and probity of General Hess , we can well understand the difficulty that he would have in making Austrian colonels sind captains understand that Sclavouians were socially their equals , and to be respected . Supposing Glaverhouse had been sxiddenly converted , are we to imagine that the whole body of his dragoons
could at once have received into their hearts the sympathetic light of a common humanity , or that the Cameronians would have found nothing but courtesy ? The original disappearance of M . Hartmann could beaccountedfor on these grounds , and tlxo Austrian Government might hesitato to confess that which would be discreditable to it , although its superior officers might not be responsible for the first act .
Tho case has been laid before the British Government , and has received a considerate attontion . Wo believe that if stronger evidence could bo produced , our Ministers would do their duty , and that they would do it with that temperate firmness which would secure satisfaction without giving just offence to Austria
. ]? or wo are sure that that is possible . The case , however , ia exnct ] y of that class in which tho discovery of cvidonco would be difficult oven with official resources , but is neaTlyimposBihlo for a party that has boon proscribed , and ia not yet reinstated in its political and social rights . The continued socrosy that is maintained about ; M . H .
urt-« mnn is a . auspicious fuel ;; for wo cannot belicvo that tho Austriana could not at onco point out whore ho is ; Avhich would entirely sottlo tho question . If they have any respect * or our Government , they uro bound to do ho ; and to our own Government , wo will only Bay , that after tho assurances eonvoyod to tho fiends of M . Hartmann , they are bound to « oop tho caso in view .
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There is no _ learned Tman . but will confess lie hatfck much , profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , ill be profitable for him to read , why should , it not , a-t least , be tolerablefor his adversary to write . —MilxoH .
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BA . BEL . ( From a various Correspondence . ") — A new case of oppression under the present Licensing Act has been published in a letter to the Times The proprietor of Highbury Barn Tavern : flnds that the demand for semi-public dinners decreases at his house , and that the late visitors to his ball-room rapidly diminish in number , he starts thereupon a species of suburban Casino—admission sixpenceband of Grenadier Guards to dance to—room rigorously shut up at half-past eleven , Tho incumbent of tho parish , and other gentlemen of serious habits —possibly of tho gouty , but certainly not of the light fantastic toe—take alarm at tho innovation , and determine to vindicate tho morals and tranquillity of
tho neighbourhood by closing tho tavern-keeper ' s casino . Tho next time he applies for a licence—about a week ago—five impartial magistrates walk into tho court just us his caso comes on , make a majority against him , and then walk out again . Two policesergeants are present to state that tho nightly dancing at Highbury Barn is conducted witlx perfect decorum , and is always over before midnight . Ono district magistrate has been present in tho ball-room , and has not had tho slightest fault to find with , tho proceedings there , but is afraid to -vote agninst tho overwhelming moral majority of flvo magistrates who know nothing of the real merits of tho caso . Tho renewal of tho tavern-keeper ' s casino-licence is refused— the band of tho Gronudior Guards is silenced
—mno persons who were employed in tho dancing " room , and who supported their families on the wages of thoir employment , aro dismissed , because tho incumbent of tho parish , and tho five * moral magistrates , havo deprived thorn of thoir occupation . The tuvern-kcupur has no appeal , ands cannot be heard in his own dufuncc , except in tlio columns of tho Times . As a spociinon of tho mnall municipal tyranny to which Britons who never , never , nevor will ho slaves , ar t ) obliged to submit , this oaflo is fliuMuiently remarkable . But there ia another Iohsou' to bo learned from it . Tho master of tho tavern states in his letter that , during tho ono
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ENGLISHMEN EMIGRATE TO THE SUFFRAGE . In the youngest of our colonies the Englishman is now better off , politically , than he is at home . If tjiey have not universal suffrage ia New Zealand ( and we are not exactly able to follow the clippings which Sir George G-rey , the late governor—not the Sir George Grrey of the K ' owick family—has inflicted on
the statute exported from this country iii 1852 ) ,, we are confident that every man emigrating to JSew Zealand may , within a very short time of his arrival , vote at the election of a representative . That , however , is only a small pai-t of self-government , and the colonists have just procured an important addition for themselves—they have secured " responsible government . "
What is that ? It is the name given to a practice—not a written law—of the British constitution . It is the usage with us , for the Sovereign- to select his Ministers from that party Tvhieh can command a majority in the House of Commons . G-eorge the Third attempted to over-ride that rule when he persisted in retaining Mir . Pitt ; tut it would not need a rebellion to prevent any monarch from doing it now : the inconvenience and danger to the Crown of being represented in Parliament by men always in a minority would preclude any renewal of poor G-eorse's
attempt .. In colonies , however , the Grovernment was supported by the Imperial power ; our own people took little heed of the colonial interests ; and so a Governor w ; as able to disregard not only a majority , but a whole colony . And often had it been done . In TJpper Canada , the Family Compact ruled in high Toryism over a Radical Colony ; in Lower 1 Canada . " the British party" played oppressor over a Radical British and a-liberal French majority . Insolence begot rebellion ; and the troubles of 1837 threatened separation from the mother country , while Americans innumerable were banded to assist
annexation . The danger was ended by the suggestion of a man . to whom the colonial world owes much , and to whom in great part we owe ifc that emigration has enjoyed that management without which it never could have expanded as it has—Edward Gibbon Wakefield . He had before had occasion to apply his powerful and practical mind to the analysis of great colonial questions , and he did so now . He found the reasonable wishes of the Canadians frustrated
by cliques , who , in the pursuit of their own paltry interests , staked the possessions of Great Britain ; and he saw that to introduce the British plan into Canada would at once ease tho vessel of the state . He formed an unaypointed adjunct to Lord Durham ' s Commission of Inquiry ; his was tho master-hand , as Charles Bu ' ller afterwards avowed in Parliament , that shaped Lord Durham s report ; and tho blue book on Canada was the exposition of the principle which was afterwards carded out . Tho results Ave havo seen . Canada , is tranquil ; in common with other provinces she sustains tho Sovereign in war ; " annexation" is novoi' hoard ; aud tho
passing agitations of tho day are not greater than our own IVocdledum mi material crises . "Well , we have " responsible government " hero , why then aro wo not ; as well off as Canada and Now Zealand . Bucause wo havo not tho complement—national franchise . They havo got what wo havo ; wo haivo not got uliat they havo . They tiocured tho principle that tho Ministors should represent the majority , as wo had ; but the difference is this—tiioir majority represents the people , ours dooa not . Hcnco thoir Miniatora aro virtually nominated by tho pcoplo— -oura aro not And how did they get what they lackod .
As we got all that we ever gained ^—by insisting on it . The barons and . franklins got Magna Charta and trial by jury ; Cromwell and his fellow-soldiers got the Bill of Rights j Birmingham got the Reform . Bill . So Canada took up armSj . . __ got responsible government ; as the Cape took up passive resistance and non-intercourse , witlx arms in
the background , and Anglo-Dutch rebellion on the border , and got a constitution . But they had a leader—the same who secured responsible government for Canada- And finally the New Zealanders got their want - Edward Gibbon " Wakefield was there—he laid the case before the colonists : they -were as unanimous as the Danes are now , and as successful as the Danes must be .
Englishmen stopping at home at ease cannot emulate either Danes or colonists . They * cannot insist , as they have done in Canada , Cape , aud Copenhagen ; they cannot concentrate their assent upon one simple , inexcitirig , but plain principle , as the people of JSTew Zealand have . If all England were to say , we . will have a national franchise , the thing would be done ; but all England , if not too timid , is too lazy—or too selfish— -to take care even for itself , if itself includes it 3 neighbours too . That is the reason why England is now , politically , behind every one of her tribute colouies .
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£ IN THIS DEPARTMENT , AS ALL OIMNIOTJS , TIOWEVBR EXTREME , AElt ALLOWED AN KXl'KESSION , THE KD 1 IOK NECESSABILY UOJLUS HIU .-SBW H 1 > S 1 'OUS 1 W . E ifOK HONE . ]
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October £ 1 , 1854 ] THE LEADER . 999
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Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 21, 1854, page 999, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2061/page/15/
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