On this page
-
Text (4)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
ration a greater force , stringently necessary for the offensive . " . ... 3 « * . ' Count Buol concludes by pressing for immediate information of Prussia's intentions . „ . .. S 5 S ^ 8 ten reply is in the form of instructions frmnk de Manteufiel to Count Arninv Prussian ambiawdo ? at Tienna . M . de Manteuffeladmita the neSr of coming to an understanding , but his Maiesty had " from the same point of view uaintexruptea ^ y directed his attention to the course of events" long before Count Buol ' s despatch of Dec 24 . "By the measures taken larger bodies of troop * much shorter
were ready for action within a period than that conditionally appointed in the military couventioa of -April 20 , " and therefore Count Buol s apprehensions might be reasonably set at rest . Prussia cannot believe that Russia " will assume the offensive if not attacked . " There is no immediate necessity for joint action , or for exceeding the terms of the Austro-Prussian treaty of April , providing for mutual aid in case of aggression from without . Prussia has every reason to believe in the sincerity of Russia ' s desire for peace . As she is excluded from tlie conference for the interpretation of the Four Points , she declines to enter into the Eastern com ¦
plication . ¦ - .. A week after ( Jan . 14 ) Count Buol rejoins in a communication addressed to the several ministers of Austria at the secondary and minor states of the Germanic Confederation , He suggests the hollowneas of Russian overtures for peace , and on the necessity of the German Federal contingents beingfully armed and ready for action , so as to place ^ Germany " in a position to command respect . " For thw purpose a Federal commander-in-chief should be appointed .
Untitled Article
By far the most important , however , of this series -of diplomatic documents is the despatch of M . Drouyn de Lhuys to the French ambassador at Berlin , rejecting the claim of Prussia to take any part in the settlement of the great European quarrel ^ from the danger of which she stood aloof . We take our analysis from the Indepenclance Beige . After recapitulating the claims of Prussia to participate in the settlement of the basis of peace , " not from her adhesion to such or such a particular convention , but from her rank as a great power , " the French Minister of Foreign _ Affairs proceeds as follow . ss-i- ¦ ¦ _ ¦'¦ ¦ ¦ ¦
" The-French Government has to observe that there are ia this statement two kinds of ideas—one concerning the relations of Prussia and Austria , and the other relating to the situations of Prussia in Europe . France will not tnake any reference to the former , which belongs only to the Germanic Confederation . ; but as to the second , she is disposed to speak distinctly . France does not deny the rank of Prussia as a grand power—the French cabinet itself has often , during the last two years , reminded Prussia of the obligations involved in that rank which she puts forward with so just a pride . But th * quality of great power is a permanent matter , and catonM ; be ~ abandoned one dayr becauseof its-burdens ^ to be resumed the day after , for the sake of its conveniences . Its rights and its duties are correlative , and cannot b « separated . '
' ? There axe wo reasons for supposing that England aval Austria take a view of these things different from that otf Austria ; bat be that as it may , it is very « ertaitt that France will not Admit that a power may of its own will hold itself aloof from great events while they are takaag place ; and not maintain its pretensioa to regalate their consequences . The gains of a war are only for those who have carried on that war , aadtbe advantages derivable from the present war—advantages essentially moral—will be the right to participate in the 'deliberations which are undertaken in the interest of Europe for the restoration of peace . What has Prussia done to have a right to such participation ? She has refused to proclaim her neutrality—a very honourable course no doubt—but on what side is she , and ou what side will she act , if the * Avar continues ? No one can say .
" Can Prussia complain of the groat confidence which France accords to Austria ? The conduct of , the latter power and that of Prussia are widely different . " Russia ' evacuates the Principalities by a movement which she declares to bo purely strategical . Prussia at once declares herself satisfied , whilst Austria immediately thereupon exchanges the Notes of the 8 th of August . Prince Gortachafcoff adheres on November 28 to the Four Points . Prussia flatters herself that she has attained the
abject of nor efforts ; whilst Austria , on the contrary , signs-the treaty of Decombor 2 with the Western Powers . On . January 7 the . ambassador' of Russia accopta the uit terpntatton of the Allied Powors . Prussia , completely sattaftad , sends a refusal to Austria to fulfil her military engagements resulting from the treaty of April 20 ; Austria , on the contrary , writes the next day to her aufcft tttat the re-establishment of peace not having been aaswed , she has to propose to combine with them her miMtary plans , in "execution of article 5 of the treaty of December 2 . •** WU Pnurfa pretoria that Austria finds in tho
alliance advantages which she could not enjoy ? If ' bo , what are they ? Since she proposes to make a , Prussian treaty by the side of the Austrian one , she ought certainly to signify the precise signification of that proposition . Is that the object of M . Usedom ' s visit to London i The mission of that diplomatist has been carefully invested with so much secrecy and so many confidential forms that , to the present time , the secret has not coma to the knowledge of the French Cabinet . _ " But the more pains are taken for concealment , the more will be used for discovery . All , however , that the that Prussia
French Cabinet knows of that mission is , has been endeavouring to prevent the Allies from carrying the war to the most vulnerable point of Russia , and to interdict the passage of their troops across Germany . What did she offer in compensation ? She offered to place a corps cTarmee on the frontier of Poland—that is to say , that Prussia with one hand should turn aside the sword of the Allied Powere , and with the other hand cover the Russians with a buckler . One would , in truth , imagine that M . d'Usedom has several treaties in his portfolio , and that he produced at London by mistake that which he ought to have brought forward at
St . Petersburg . " TheFrench . Government is yvry far from wishing to wound the feelings of Prussia . It is in a loyal effusion of : feeling that it expresses itself thus . It wishes that its words should be listened to at Berlin , in order to make Prussia escape from a situation in which it should have been , happy not to see her if its previous efforts had succaeded . "
Untitled Article
« THE FOUR POINTS . " In tlxe present state of the negotiations it may not be uninteresting to our readers to place in juxtaposition the interpretation of the so-called " Four Points" as understood by the Western Powers and Russia respectively . They are as follows : — WESTERX INTERPRETATION RUSSIAN INTERPRETATION AS CONTAINED IN THE AS EXPRESSED IN THE PROTOCOL OF AUGUST S , NOTE OP NOVEMBER 6 , J 854 . 18 S 4 . The Western Powers will be contented ; - 1 , If the Protectorate 1 . The protectorate of the hitherto exercised by Russia "Principalities on the Danube over the principalities of . Mol- to be exercised in future by davia , Wallachia , and Servia the Five Powers collectively , ceases , and if in future the under the same conditions as privileges and immunities those , stipulated in their fa-= granted _ by the Sultans to vour . by our treaties with these their dependencies be Turkey , placed under the collective guarantee of the pqwersby means of a special treaty with the Sublime Porte . 2 . If the navigation of the 2 . Freedom of the naviga-Dunubo be freed from all tion of tbe Danube , already hindrances at its mouth , and existing dejure , the restxicthe principles set forth in tlie rion of whkh was never conact . of the Congress of Vienna templated by Russia . be duly acted upon and ap- ,, plied in this case . _ j _ 3 . _ Jf . tiie . tJCcatyi « f-J . ulv . l 38 , 3 . _ Reyisipn _ of the treaty 1841 , undergo a revision , of 1841 . Russia will not obwith tho sanction of all the ject to tlie abolition of the contracting parties ^ for the treaty , if Turkey , as the state better re- establistrment of tbe mostly interested , consents to balance of power fn Europe , the alteration . and for the purpose of re- stncting * the power of Russia in the Sack Sea . . 4 . If Russia gives up her 4 . Joint guarantees for the claim of exercising an official civil and religious liberty of protectorate over tlie subjects the Christian population of of tho Porte , to whatever re- tiia Ottoman Empire , with- liglon they may belong , pro- ont any distinction of reli- vided that France , Austria , gion , to be given by the Five Great Britain , Prussia , and Powers collectively . Russia do not mutually agree to take the initiative to ob- : tain from tho Sultan tbe con- ' firmotion and due observance of the liberty of conscience of all th " e different Christian churches in tbe dominions of Turkey , and in tho common intcreat of tliejr co-religionists to profit by tlie liberal intentions so disinterestedly sxprossed by H . 'M . tho Suf- tan , but without lessening thodipnity and independence > f uis throne . ' '
Untitled Article
PEACE SOIREE AT MANCHESTER . Tmu customary demonstration previously to tho reopening of Parliament , was held last Friday in tho Corn Exchange , Manchester . The meeting wns of course convened for the purpose of giving the Peaceparty nn opportunity of stating their viows , and , as member ? , lacing their constituents . After some introductory remarks from tho Chairman , Mr . Wi&son , Mr . T . M . Gibson said it was customary for Members , of Parliament to give an account of themselves , and tho war ought not to prevent it . IJe and lus friends had
beea accused of voting in minorities , but it would , be found that they had had the distinguished companionship of her Majesty ' s Ministers often on these , . © qeasiaHs . He regretted the withdrawal of tb * Reftasa BiH , but thought it the wisest course . Alluding to the matilation of the Bribery Bill , he said that the only preventive against bribery by intimidation was the ballot . Government was apparently contemplating the repeal of the newspaper stamp , which , he thought , should be followed It thus became fiscal
by repeal of the paper duty . a question , and that , of bourse , led him to the -war . Mr . Gibson then went over the well-known " objects of the war , " with none of which he agreed . It was adry , diplomatic , purely theoretical question . The balance of power was a most fallacious doctrine , and many statesmen agreed with him that we had nothing to dp with Turkey . We might have resisted without invading Russia . He concluded with a denunciation of the Government which had put the country in an unnecessarily
unenviable position . Mr . Bbight was received with loud and . renewed cheering . He said : — " I most fully coincide in . everything that has fallen from my hon . friend . There has been something like a hurricane of feeling passing from north to south ,, and from east to west ; for this wind seems to- have blown from evexy quarter at once ; but I don ' t admit at all , because a hurricane of feeling like this which has arisen , because there is this state of opinion , that therefore that opinion is right , and that we are wrong . Opinions , real opinions , form slowly ; it is passion that gathers strength , witk thi 3 rapidity , and . I take it to be a thing capable of demonstration , that when in this or any other , country a .
question ia really submitted to the test of argument and reason , and decided alone by that test , such are the different circumstances of men , such the different points from which they view a question , it is almost , perhaps . absolutely , impossible that there should be that torrent of feeling in one direction which we have lately witnessed so ' much , of in this country ; but I wish to draw your attention to one of the most dangerous symptoms in our public condition , and illustrate it by the fact of the strong feeling which has existed in favour of the war . I suspect that we are daily becoming a more credulous and excitable people ; and , rely upon it , if there be a credulous man anywhere , there is somebody at his elbow not unwilling to avail himself of his credulity . "
After describing the dismay at the Catholic aggression and the contemplated French invasion , Mr . Bright reviewed the circumstances qf the present war , and cast derision upon some social results which have been considered gratifying . The French alliance , he thought , might have been obtained ; without it . " When the Emperor of France ' s ambassador was at Constantinople , he had express instructions not to excite the Turks to refuse the demands of Russia . Our Minister alone excited them to refuse those demands . When the Vienna note was offered to the Russian Government the . French Government urged the Russian Government to accept it , on the ground that' its general sense differed in nothing from the general sense of the original proposition of Prince Menschikoff . ' A « d when , after that , the Emperor of Russia offered renewed
assu-, ; , . : ' t i j t rances and guarantees to Lord Westmoreland at-Olmtttz , the Emperor of France , conjointly with Austria and Prussia , admitted that these assurances sufficiently guarded all the points on which England and Franco had been concerned , and that he was ready to giv « hi $ ambassador at Constantinople orders to sign those propositions , and to give them to the Turks in lieu of the rejected Vienna note . Thus up to that point ho had done nothing : that could promote war ; on the contrary , he had honestly accepted « very mode by which peace could be secured ; and our Government , on the ooateary , acting in a manner opposed to Austria and Prussia ^ and also opposed to France , took a contrary course , and , although the Emperor of France did not agree- with our policy , yet so anxious was he to have the English alliance , titat he plunged his country into war rather than separate himself from the policy of this country . "
i * i t t After remarking that the press generally had had much to do with causing the war , Mr . Bright said : — " But , sir , there is one class of newspapers of which I would speak even in other terms—that class which has become somewhat numerous of Lite , called the religious newspapers , established apparently to show how little they aro influenced by religion . ( Aj ) j pl < inae . ~ ) I presume a member of the Christian religion tells from bis pulpit tliat a single immortal soul weighs more in the c / o of God than all Uio temporary concerns and interests of this planet . 80 , 000 * men at least have been slaughtered ,
or have diod in tho courso of this war , in tho various armies engaged ; but tho appetite of the religious newspapers is not sated . I should like to know what uiUnity there is between tlie salvation of the soul and the , mangling and' slaughter of the body ? Well , but I iuu opposed by other groat authorities besides the public press . Statesmen of long standing , of long experience , of great reputation , came forward , and wo find them in , direct opposition to tho views which we have propounded . I , speak of two of them in particular—Lord Palmerston . and Lord JolmRusacll—men sitting together , now on tho
Untitled Article
¦ . : TEI IiEAPEB , jffATgBj > AT , ; TSr " ___ - . > ..- ¦ ¦ r = ... . . — - ¦¦—' '
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 27, 1855, page 78, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse2.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2075/page/6/
-